伊斯兰的极端主义是西方帝国主义政策的产物 [美国媒体]

如果我们尽全力想要消化掉最近一次发生在布鲁塞尔的恐怖袭击,那么理解这种极端主义的起因对我们而言就显得极为重要。毕竟在50年以前几乎没人知道伊斯兰教中存在极端主义,而自杀性炸弹爆炸更是令人难以置信。然而今天上述两类事物似乎成了我们每日的必修课。所以究竟发生了什么才使得伊斯兰教的原教旨主义走上了世界政治的最前沿?诚然有许多因素牵涉其中,但是其中最主要的原因之一无疑是西方的帝国主义政策......

MARCH 30, 2016

2016年三月30日

Islamic Extremism is a Product of Western Imperialism

伊斯兰的极端主义是西方帝国主义的产物

by GARRY LEECH

作者:加里·李奇



As we struggle to come to terms with the latest terrorist attacks in Brussels, it is important that we understand the causes of such extremism. After all, Islamic extremism was virtually unknown fifty years ago and suicide bombings were inconceivable. And yet today it seems that we are confronted with both on a daily basis. So what happened to bring Islamic fundamentalism to the forefront of global politics? While there are many factors involved, undoubtedly one of the primary causes is Western imperialism. Western intervention in the Middle East over the past century to secure access to the region’s oil reserves established a perfect environment in which Islamic fundamentalists could exploit growing anti-Western sentiment throughout the Islamic world with some establishing violent extremist groups. The most recent consequence of this process is the terrorist group known as the Islamic State, which emerged out of the chaos caused by the US invasion of Iraq.

如果我们尽全力想要消化掉最近一次发生在布鲁塞尔的恐怖袭击,那么理解这种极端主义的起因对我们而言就显得极为重要。毕竟在50年以前几乎没人知道伊斯兰教中存在极端主义,而自杀性炸弹爆炸更是令人难以置信。然而今天上述两类事物似乎成了我们每日的必修课。所以究竟发生了什么才使得伊斯兰教的原教旨主义走上了世界政治的最前沿?诚然有许多因素牵涉其中,但是其中最主要的原因之一无疑是西方的帝国主义政策。在过去的一个世纪中由于西方(不断)通过干涉中东来保障自身使用该地区的石油资源的权利,使整个伊斯兰世界的反西方情绪逐渐成长,并让一些暴力极端组织初现雏形,伊斯兰教的原教旨主义只是利用它们提供的沃土生长起来。这一(生长)过程的最新成果便是以“伊斯兰国”这个名字闻名的恐怖组织在美国入侵伊拉克所造成的混乱中浮出水面。

In order to understand the rise of the Islamic State we must first briefly review the history of Western intervention in not only the Middle East but throughout the world to reveal that Islamic extremism in not a unique phenomenon. For the past 500 years, peoples throughout the world have resorted to acts of violence that today would be classified as terrorism in efforts to resist Western imperialism. Indigenous peoples in the Americas often used violent tactics to defend themselves against the brutal European colonizers. There were also many violent slave revolts by Blacks who had been shipped from Africa to the Americas in the service of Western imperialism.

为了理解“伊斯兰国”这个组织的崛起,首先我们必须简要回顾一下西方不仅干涉中东还干涉全世界的历史,以此揭示伊斯兰教极端主义绝不是一个孤立的现象。在过去500年中,世界各地的人民求助于在今天会被定性为恐怖主义的暴力行为努力抵抗西方的帝国主义政策。美洲土着往往使用暴力的方式保卫自己免遭野蛮的欧洲人的殖民。被从非洲运到美洲为西方帝国主义服务的黑人奴隶也多次使用武力造反。

In Southeast Asia, the Filipino people first violently resisted the Spanish and then rose up again when the United States became the new colonial ruler of the Philippines in 1898. Apparently, Washington’s newest colonial subjects didn’t appreciate President William McKinley’s concern for their well-being when he arrogantly declared that since Filipinos “were unfit for self-government, … there was nothing left for us to do but to take them all, and to educate the Filipinos, and uplift and civilize and Christianize them.” Meanwhile, in South Africa, the Zulu people were resorting to violence in an effort to resist British attempts to “civilize” them in the late 1800s. Back then, those who violently resisted Western imperialism weren’t labelled “terrorists,” we just called them “savages.” These are just a few examples of the countless attempts throughout the global South to resist the violent and often brutal expansion of Western imperialism, which included not only the imposition of Western values and culture on people, but also Christianity.

在东南亚,菲律宾人先是暴力反抗西班牙人,在美国于1898年变成菲律宾新的殖民统治者后又再次起义。当威廉·麦金利总统傲慢地宣布鉴于菲律宾人“不适合自治,……我们只能照顾他们、教育他们、从社会道德诸方面发展他们、让他们变成文明的基督徒。”之时,这个华盛顿最新的殖民对象很明显并不感谢他对他们福利的关心。同时19世纪后期在南非的祖鲁人也是诉诸于暴力反抗英国人企图“让他们变得文明”的尝试。在那个时候用暴力手段抵抗西方帝国主义的人不会被贴上“恐怖分子”的标签;我们仅仅称呼他们为“野蛮人。”我们只列举了发展中国家为抵抗暴力的、往往还是野蛮的西方帝国主义扩张所作出的无数次尝试中的几个而已。这些帝国主义扩张不仅包括将西方价值观和文化强加于发展中国家的人民,还包括将基督教强加于发展中国家的人民。

One of the reasons that Islamic extremism has only come to the fore in recent decades is the fact that Western imperialism in the Middle East is a relatively recent occurrence. Western imperialism didn’t begin to make serious headway in the Middle East until the early 20th century. Consequently, we haven’t yet succeeded in our quest to violently subjugate the peoples of that region to the degree that we have peoples throughout most of the rest of the world. In some Middle Eastern nations, Western imperialism initially took the form of traditional colonialism, which involved direct rule. In other countries, it has constituted a neo-colonial approach utilizing international institutions such as the UN Security Council, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank as well as direct US and European intervention in the forms of military coups and outright war.

在近几十年中伊斯兰教的极端主义能够惹人注意的其中一个原因便是在中东的西方帝国主义的出现相对较近。直到20世纪早期西方帝国主义才开始在中东认真寻求进展。我们因而不能像在其它我们曾经成功使用暴力征服当地人民的地方那样再次成功使用暴力征服该地区的人民。西方帝国主义首先在一些中东国家采取传统的直接统治的殖民主义形式,而在其它一些国家则利用诸如安理会、国际货币基金组织和世界银行这样的国际机构组建一种新形式的殖民主义。在这种新形式的殖民主义中,这些国际组织以军事政变和赤裸裸的战争形式指导美国和欧洲进行干涉。

While European nations, particularly Britain, had made some inroads into the Middle East in the late 1800s, it was the discovery of oil in Iran in 1908 that marked the arrival of Western imperialism. The London-based Anglo-Persian Oil Company (APOC) gained the rights to Iran’s oil and, because its major shareholder was the British government, Britain effectively controlled Iran’s oil sector. During the ensuing decades there were major protests by the Iranian people who were unhappy with foreign ownership of the country’s oil and the fact that Iran was receiving only 16 percent of its own oil wealth. In 1950, the Iranian parliament finally responded to popular demands and voted to nationalize the country’s oil sector. The following year, Prime Minister Mohammed Mosaddegh established the National Iranian Oil Company.

当欧洲国家尤其是英国在19世纪后期成功侵入中东之时,伊朗于1908年发现了石油,这成为西方殖民主义到来的标志。位于伦敦的盎格鲁-波斯石油公司(APOC)拥有了伊朗的石油,并且由于该公司的主要持股人是英国政府,英国也就有效地控制了伊朗的石油产业。在接下来的几十年中,不高兴本国的石油被外国人拥有的伊朗人民发起了几次大型抗议——当时的事实是伊朗仅仅拥有它自己石油财富的16%。1950年伊朗议会最终对人民的要求作出了回应,投票决定将该国的石油产业国有化。第二年伊朗首相默罕默德·摩萨台组建国有伊朗石油公司。

Unhappy with Iran’s decision to claim ownership of its own oil resources and to use them for the benefit of the Iranian people, the United States and Britain orchestrated a coup to oust the moderate, secular and democratically-elected Mosaddegh government. Shah Reza Pahlavi was installed in power and the new pro-Western dictator immediately re-opened the door for Western companies to return to Iran. And to ensure that the Shah maintained iron-clad control over the population, the United States provided him with military aid as well as training for his secret police force, which would brutalize the Iranian people for the next 26 years.

声称对自己的石油资源拥有主权、并要让伊朗人民从使用石油中获利的决定让美国和英国不高兴。他们精心策划了一场政变罢黜了温和世俗且民选的摩萨台政府。巴勒维被安置在了权力顶端。这个新的亲西方的独裁者立刻重新为西方公司返回伊朗打开大门。为了确保巴勒维对伊朗人民形成铁壳一般的控制,美国提供给他军事援助,同时为他培训秘密警察部队,让接下来的26年中伊朗人民受尽残酷对待。

Under the Shah, Western oil workers flooded into Iran and the country’s capital Tehran became a decadent playground for high-paid foreign oil workers who engaged openly in un-Islamic activities including alcohol consumption, casino gambling and prostitution. And while the country’s oil wealth was flowing into the pockets of foreigners and the Shah and his cronies, most Iranians were struggling to survive in poverty. Not surprisingly, Islamic fundamentalists began pointing to Western imperialism and Western decadence as an affront both to Islam and to the Iranian people. It was a narrative that began to resonate with many impoverished Iranians who had traditionally been moderates. In 1979, under the leadership of the Ayatollah Khomeini, a popular revolution overthrew the Shah’s repressive regime and established an Islamic state.

在巴勒维的统治之下,西方石油工人如洪水般涌进伊朗。该国首都德黑兰俨然成了一个堕落的游戏场,那些拿高薪的外国石油工人在那里公开干着非伊斯兰教的活动,其中包括喝酒、赌博和嫖妓。当这个国家的石油财富流入外国人、巴勒维以及他的好友的口袋时,大部分伊朗人则在贫困中苦苦求生。伊斯兰教原教旨主义者在这种情况下开始指出西方帝国主义和西方的堕落是对伊斯兰教和伊朗人民的公开侮辱毫不令人吃惊。而且这些话甚至开始在那些传统上都是温和的贫穷的伊朗人中间产生了共鸣。1979年,在霍梅尼的领导下,一场来自于人民的革命推翻了巴勒维极具镇压性的政权并建立了一个伊斯兰国家。

Reflecting on the US role in Iran, former US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright stated, “In 1953 the United States played a significant role in orchestrating the overthrow of Iran’s popular Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh. The Eisenhower Administration believed its actions were justified for strategic reasons; but the coup was clearly a setback for Iran’s political development. And it is easy to see now why many Iranians continue to resent this intervention by America in their internal affairs.”

在反省美国在伊朗的角色时,前美国国务卿奥尔布赖特曾说:“1953年美国在精心策划推翻受伊朗人民欢迎的首相默罕默德·摩萨台的政变中扮演了一个重要的角色。艾森豪威尔政府相信他的政府的行动出于战略意义上的原因是正义的,但是很清楚那场政变让伊朗的政治发展退步了。而且现在很容易明白为什么许多伊朗人一直怨恨美国干涉他们国家的内部事务。”

The first significant success for Islamic fundamentalism directly resulted from the United States and Britain overthrowing a democratically-elected and secular government and their subsequent support for a brutal dictatorship, all in the name of securing access to oil. Today, we are not only still dealing with the consequences of this Western imperialism in our relations with Iran, but also with Iran’s support for other fundamentalist groups in the region such as Hezbollah.

伊斯兰教原教旨主义的第一个具有重要意义的成功直接源于美国和英国推翻了一个民选且世俗的政府并在随后支持了一个野蛮残忍的独裁者。而所有这一切都是为了确保获得石油。今天在我们与伊朗的关系中,我们不仅还要对付这次西方帝国主义策略带来的后果,我们还要对付在该地区受到伊朗支持的其它原教旨主义组织,比如真主党。

The same year that Iran became an Islamic state, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan to defend that country’s unpopular Soviet-backed regime from a growing insurgency. The mujahideen rebels, like the Islamic revolutionaries in Iran, were fighting against a Western-backed dictatorship. This time it was the atheist communists of the Soviet Union that were the imperialists. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan only boosted the strength of the mujahideen as recruits flocked from throughout the Islamic world to help liberate the country from the foreign infidels. Many of the tens of thousands of recruits came from Saudi Arabia, which contributed to the fundamentalist movement known as Wahhabism expanding from being a fringe sect of Islam that primarily existed in Saudi Arabia to a major religious force throughout the Sunni Islamic world.

就在伊朗成为伊斯兰国家的同一年,苏联为了保护阿富汗那个不受欢迎却是苏联支持的政权免遭逐渐壮大的叛乱推翻而入侵了阿富汗。就像伊朗的伊斯兰革命一样,阿富汗的那些穆斯林反叛者同样是为了推翻一个受到西方支持的独裁者而战。而这一次则是苏联的无神论共产主义者成为了帝国主义者。苏联入侵阿富汗让遍及伊斯兰世界的新兵群集阿富汗以帮助从外国异教徒手中解放这个国家,因此那次入侵除了提高那些穆斯林游击战士的力量之外别无建树。成千上万的新兵中的大部分来自沙特阿拉伯,而沙特阿拉伯这个国家对原教旨主义运动作出的最大贡献就是闻名于世的瓦哈比教义。这个主要存在于沙特阿拉伯的教派从伊斯兰教的一个边缘教派逐渐扩张并成为逊尼派伊斯兰教世界的一支主要的宗教力量。

The United States viewed the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan through a Cold War lens and began providing weapons and training to the Islamic fundamentalist mujahideen rebels. During the 1980s, Washington supplied the mujahideen with $4 billion in arms that significantly strengthened the fundamentalists and President Ronald Reagan publicly referred to them as “freedom fighters.” One of the mujihadeen beneficiaries of US aid was a Saudi named Osama bin Laden. The primary objective of the war for this particular “freedom fighter” was the removal of a Western military from Islamic lands. The mujahideen succeeded in their holy war in 1989 when the Soviet Union withdrew its forces. And then, in 1996, following a civil war between various factions of the mujahideen, the recently-formed Taliban emerged victorious and established a fundamentalist government.

美国透过冷战的透镜看待苏联入侵阿富汗,并开始向那些伊斯兰教原教旨主义穆斯林反叛者提供武器和培训。在整个20世纪80年代华盛顿支持了这些原教旨主义穆斯林40亿美元的武器,从而极大地加强了原教旨主义者。里根总统公开定义他们为“自由战士”。这些受益于美国援助的原教旨主义穆斯林中有一个名叫奥萨马·本·拉登的沙特人。对于这个特别的“自由战士”而言,这场战争的主要目的是将西方的军事力量从伊斯兰的土地上移除。当苏联于1989年撤军时这名穆斯林游击战士取得了圣战胜利。然后,不同派别的穆斯林游击战士打起了内战,内战打到1996年,刚刚组建的塔利班胜出并建立了原教旨主义政府。

As a 1993 article in the British daily Independent made clear, Osama bin Laden was viewed by the West as a warrior, not a terrorist, for his role in the mujahideen. The article, titled “Anti-Soviet Warrior Puts His Army on the Road to Peace,” described bin Laden’s work building roads in the impoverished nation of Sudan in the early 1990s. But bin Laden was not only building roads, he was also establishing a new organization with his mujahideen fighters that would eventually be called al-Qaeda. The mission of al-Qaeda essentially remained the same as that of the mujahideen in Afghanistan: to drive Western military forces out of Islamic lands. This time the target was US troops based in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait following the first Gulf War. Consequently, bin Laden went from being a “freedom fighter” to a “terrorist” virtually overnight even though his mission hadn’t changed, only the target.

正如1993年英国日报《独立报》中的一篇文章所解释的那样,奥萨玛·本·拉登就其在穆斯林游击队中的角色被西方认为是一名战士而不是恐怖主义者。这篇题为《反苏联的战士让他的军队走向和平》的文章将本·拉登20世纪90年代早期的工作描述为在一个贫穷的苏丹国家里修筑道路。但是本·拉登不仅仅修筑道路,他还和他的穆斯林游击战士们组建了一个新组织,而这个新组织最终有一天会被称作基地组织。基地组织在阿富汗的任务本质上和那些穆斯林游击战士的任务一样,那就是将西方的军事力量从伊斯兰的土地上驱逐出去。在第一次海湾战争之后这个任务就体现在驻扎于沙特阿拉伯和科威特的美国军队。结果几乎是在一夜之间,纵使他的任务依然如故只不过目标改了而已,本·拉登还是从“自由战士”变成了“恐怖分子”。

From the perspective of Washington, bin Laden was a “freedom fighter” when he was fighting against the Soviet military presence in Afghanistan but was a “terrorist” when he fought against the presence of US military forces in the Islamic world. From the perspective of bin Laden and his Islamic extremist followers, however, nothing had really changed. Whether it was Soviet soldiers or US troops, both constituted Western military forces that had to be removed from Islamic soil.

从华盛顿的观点来看,当本·拉登在阿富汗打仗抵抗苏联军事存在的时候他是一个“自由战士”,但是当他在伊斯兰世界打仗抵抗美国的军事存在的时候他就是一个“恐怖分子”。但是在本·拉登和他的伊斯兰教极端主义追随者看来,其实什么都没有改变。不管是苏联士兵还是美国军队,两者都是要从伊斯兰土地上被移除的西方军事力量。

Ultimately, Western intervention in the Islamic world gave birth to al-Qaeda. First, Soviet military support for a puppet regime in Afghanistan, then US backing of the Islamic fundamentalists who constituted the mujahideen rebels, and, finally, the establishment of US military bases in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait during the first Gulf War. As a consequence of these imperialist actions, Islamic extremists in the form of the Taliban and al-Qaeda emerged as powerful forces with the latter feeding off the growing disenchantment among Muslims angry at Western militarism in the Islamic world, Western backing for corrupt governments in the Middle East, and US support for Israel and its illegal occupation of Palestinian territories.

西方对伊斯兰世界的干预最终导致基地组织诞生。首先,苏联军队支持阿富汗的傀儡政权,然后美国支持伊斯兰教原教旨主义者,因为他们组成那些穆斯林反叛者,最后美国在第一次海湾战争期间在沙特阿拉伯和科威特建立了军事基地。作为这些帝国主义行动的一个结果就是伊斯兰教极端主义者作为强大的力量以塔利班和基地组织的形式出现了。而且正是由于穆斯林日益清醒,从而对伊斯兰世界中存在的西方军事主义、中东那些由西方支持的腐败政府们、以及美国对以色列及其它非法占有巴勒斯坦人土地的行为的支持感到的愤怒为后者(基地组织)提供了维持其存在必须的东西。

Following al-Qaeda’s terrorist attacks against New York City and Washington, DC on September 11, 2001, the United States launched its war on terror and targeted the Islamic extremist group in Afghanistan. However, the Bush administration also sought to exploit the 9/11 attacks to justify ousting Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq. Top Bush administration officials launched a massive propaganda and misinformation campaign to convince the American people that Hussein was directly involved in the 9/11 attacks and linked to al-Qaeda, both of which were untrue. They also portrayed Hussein as a terrorist threat because he possessed weapons of mass destruction, which was another lie.

紧随基地组织发动的针对纽约市和华盛顿特区的“9·11”恐怖袭击,美国开始了它的反恐战争,其目标就是位于阿富汗的那个伊斯兰极端主义组织。但是,除了这个目标,布什政府还想将9/11袭击的作用发挥到极致——证明罢黜伊拉克的萨达姆·侯赛因这个行动是合法的。布什政府的那些顶级官员们发动了一次大规模的宣传运动,并在该运动中用错误的信息让美国人民相信侯赛因不仅直接参与了那次“9·11”袭击,还与基地组织有联系,但是这两点都是谎言。他们还将侯赛因描绘成一个恐怖主义威胁,因为他拥有大规模杀伤性武器,然而这是另一个谎言。

As the reports by UN weapons inspectors had made clear, Iraq no longer possessed any chemical or biological weapons; they had been destroyed in accordance with UN Security Council resolutions following the first Gulf War in 1991. Furthermore, the Bush administration’s propaganda campaign conveniently ignored the fact that the weapons of mass destruction that Iraq had possessed and used during the 1980s were supplied to it by the United States when Hussein was an ally against the fundamentalist regime that had come to power in Iran.

就如联合国武器检察官的报告所澄清的那样,伊拉克已不再拥有任何化学或生物武器;这些武器在1991年(也就是第一次海湾战争之后)已经根据安理会决议被摧毁了。此外,布什政府的宣传运动还顺便忽视了伊拉克在20世纪80年代拥有并使用过的大规模杀伤性武器都是美国提供给他的这样一个事实;彼时侯赛因可是一个反伊朗原教旨主义政权的盟友,(所以美国向他提供了上述武器)。

In March 2003, President George W. Bush ordered the US military to invade Iraq without authorization from the UN Security Council and in direct violation of international law. Four days before the invasion, Vice-President Dick Cheney declared, “From the standpoint of the Iraqi people, my belief is we will, in fact, be greeted as liberators.” But one year later an extensive nationwide poll in Iraq showed that 71 percent of Iraqis saw the US troops as “occupiers” rather than “liberators.” Such a response should not have been surprising given that some 100,000 Iraqis had been killed as a result of the invasion and occupation.

2003年三月,乔治·W·布什总统在没有得到安理会授权以及直接侵犯国际法的情况下命令美国军队入侵伊拉克。在入侵前的第四天副总统切尼宣布:“我相信我们将被当作事实上的解放者而受到伊拉克人民的欢迎。”但是一年之后,一次涉及伊拉克全国范围的民意测验显示71%的伊拉克人视美国军队为“占有者”而不是“解放者”。作为那次入侵和占领的结果就是大约10万伊拉克人被杀害,因此出现这么一个结果本不应该令人感到吃惊。

The military occupation gave rise to an insurgency that sought to oust the foreign occupying troops. Prior to the US invasion there had been no Islamic extremist groups operating in the country. But the emergence of the broad-based insurgency and the post-invasion chaos opened the door for al-Qaeda to enter Iraq. And it was out of both the insurgency and al-Qaeda that the fundamentalist Islamic State (originally known as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS) emerged in 2006.

军事占领导致了想驱逐外国占领军队的暴动。在美国入侵那里之前在那个国家里没有伊斯兰极端主义组织运作。但是那次发生在边境线上的暴动,以及侵略之后的混乱为基地组织进入伊拉克打开方便之门。奉行原教旨主义的伊斯兰国(最初以伊拉克和叙利亚的伊斯兰国或者ISIS而闻名)终于在2006年横空出世。

Following the invasion, the United States dismantled Saddam Hussein’s military and many of the unemployed former officers ended up joining the insurgency. Some of these military officers conspired with a breakaway faction of al-Qaeda in Iraq to form the Islamic State. The new extremist group sought to establish an Islamic caliphate in northern Iraq and Syria. The Syrian civil war in 2011 allowed the Islamic State to cross into Syria where it grew dramatically stronger and began to consolidate control over territory. It then re-focused its efforts on Iraq and easily defeated the new US-trained Iraqi army and consolidated its control over northern parts of that country in 2014. Meanwhile, the West’s military intervention in Libya in 2011 helped turn that country into a failed state and opened the door for the Islamic State to establish a foothold in that part of North Africa.

在那次入侵之后美国解散了萨达姆·侯赛因的军队,许多失业的前军官最终加入了那次暴动。这些军官中的一部分自成一个派别并合谋叛离了伊拉克的基地组织,最后形成了伊斯兰国这个组织。这个新的极端主义组织想在伊拉克北部和叙利亚建立一个伊斯兰哈里发国。2011年的叙利亚内战成全了伊斯兰国,让它得以跨境进入叙利亚。在那里它戏剧性地变得更强大,并开始将控制的领土合为一体。然后它重新将力量集中在伊拉克,并轻松击败刚刚由美国训练的伊拉克军队。它于2014年在伊拉克北部将所控制的领土合为一体。同时2011年西方对利比亚的军事干涉也帮助将该国转变为一个衰弱的国家并对伊斯兰国打开大门,让其在北非建立起据点。

The Islamic State has had significant success recruiting disenchanted Muslims from around the world to join its ranks and to carry out terrorist attacks in Western nations such as France and Belgium. Last year, even former British Prime Minister Tony Blair acknowledged “there are elements of truth” in claims that the invasion of Iraq led to the creation of the Islamic State. As Blair admitted, “Of course, you can’t say those of us who removed Saddam in 2003 bear no responsibility for the situation in 2015.”

伊斯兰国在征募世界范围内觉醒了的穆斯林方面取得了重大成功。他们要么加入该组织,要么在像法国和比利时这样的西方国家执行恐怖袭击。甚至前首相布莱尔也在去年承认入侵伊拉克导致伊斯兰国诞生是“事实的一部分”。正如布莱尔承认的,“当然,你不能说我们中间那些在2003年罢黜萨达姆的嗯对2015年的境况没有责任。”

Once again, Western imperialist actions in the Middle East had given rise to Islamic extremism. But the rise of the Islamic State should not have come as a surprise to anyone. That the Bush administration’s illegal invasion of Iraq laid the foundation for the emergence of the Islamic State was entirely predictable. After all, the West’s ouster of the moderate and secular Mosaddegh and its backing of the Shah’s ruthless regime in Iran had given birth to that country’s Islamic fundamentalist revolution. And Washington’s military support of fundamentalist rebels in Afghanistan and its establishment of military bases in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait ensured the emergence of al-Qaeda.

再说一遍,存在于中东的西方帝国主义导致了伊斯兰极端主义。但是伊斯兰国这个组织的崛起本不应该惊到任何人。布什政府对伊拉克的非法入侵为这个组织的浮现提供了基础,因此它的出现完全可以预计。毕竟是西方在伊朗废黜了温和且世俗的摩萨台并支持冷酷无情的巴勒维政权引起了那个国家的伊斯兰原教旨主义革命。华盛顿对阿富汗原教旨主义反叛者的军事支持,以及在沙特阿拉伯和科威特建立军事基地更是确保了基地组织诞生。

Meanwhile, Western imperialism in other parts of the Middle East over the past century has also contributed to the rise of Islamic fundamentalism. While most of the Arab states in the region gained independence following World War Two, the United States and Britain essentially handed over most of Palestine to European Jews so they could create the Jewish state of Israel. And, ever since, Israel has received unconditional US support to brutally repress the Palestinian people and to repeatedly violate international law, which has generated widespread anti-Western sentiment throughout the Middle East. It wasn’t until after almost 40 years of Israeli rule over Palestinian lands that Islamic fundamentalism and the tactic of suicide bombing finally made inroads among the traditionally moderate Palestinian population. This occurred when Hamas was formed in the Occupied Territories in the mid-1980s. Similarly, it was Israel’s US-supported invasion of Lebanon that gave birth to the fundamentalist group Hezbollah during the same decade.

同时西方帝国主义在中东其它部分超过一个世纪的存在也为伊斯兰原教旨主义的崛起作出了贡献。当该地区的大部分阿拉伯国家在二战后获得独立的时候,美国和英国却基本上将大部分巴勒斯坦交付给欧洲的犹太人,这样他们才能够建立犹太人的以色列国。自此以后以色列在残酷镇压巴勒斯坦人民、反复践踏国际法方面就获得了美国无条件的支持,而这让整个中东广泛产生反西方的情绪。以色列不过统治巴勒斯坦人的土地40年伊斯兰原教旨主义和使用自杀性炸弹的办法就侵入进传统上温和的巴勒斯坦人。在20世纪80年代中期哈马斯在被占领土成立时这一切就开始了。在同一年代以色列在美国支持下入侵黎巴嫩也同样导致原教旨主义组织真主党出现。

Over the past one hundred years, the Middle East has been targeted by Western imperialism in the violent manner that the rest of the world has endured for centuries. Nowadays we use politically correct terms such as “democracy promotion” and “human rights” instead of “civilize” and “Christianize,” but they essentially mean the same thing because they are simply the latest justifications for stealing resources and imposing Western values on other cultures. Not surprisingly, as has been the case throughout the rest of the world over the past 500 years, there is widespread resentment and anger towards the West for its imperialist policies in the Middle East. And, also not surprisingly, some fundamentalist Muslim resisters to Western imperialism have resorted to extreme tactics.

在过去100年中中东一直被西方帝国主义牢牢盯住,所使用的方法则是世界其它部分已经忍受了数个世纪的方法。现如今我们使用政治正确的词汇,比如“促进民主”和“人权”,取代“让他们变得文明”和“让他们皈依基督教”这样的说辞。但是本质上它们意思相同,因为它们仅仅是为窃取资源和向其它文明输入西方价值观作出辩护的最新辩护词而已。在过去500多年中这种情况一直在世界其它地方存在,所以当因为西方在中东执行的帝国主义政治而引起广泛的愤怒和生气的时候没有什么好吃惊的。而且也不必为一些原教旨主义穆斯林用诉诸于极端的策略抵抗西方的帝国主义而感到吃惊。

Finally, perhaps one of the most disturbing aspects of Western imperialism in the Islamic world is the fact that each consequence has been more extreme than the previous one. Al-Qaeda and the Taliban were far more extremist than the Islamic government that came to power in Iran. And the Islamic State is even more extremist than al-Qaeda. Which begs the question: What new and even more extremist monstrosity are we currently creating with our ongoing military interventions and imperialist policies in the Islamic world?

最后啰嗦一点:也许西方帝国主义在伊斯兰世界最令人不安的一点也许是每一个结果都比前一个更极端这一事实。基地组织和塔利班就远比现在伊朗的伊斯兰政府极端。而伊斯兰国比基地组织极端得多。用一个问题打扰大家一下:我们目前用我们在伊斯兰世界不间断的军事干预和帝国主义政策制造出来的最新最极端的怪兽是什么?

Garry Leech is an independent journalist and author of numerous books including How I Became an American Socialist (Misfit Books, 2016), Capitalism: A Structural Genocide (Zed Books, 2012); Beyond Bogota: Diary of a Drug War Journalist in Colombia (Beacon Press, 2009); and Crude Interventions: The United States Oil and the New World Disorder (Zed Books, 2006). ). He also teaches international politics at Cape Breton University in Nova Scotia, Canada and Javeriana University in Cali, Colombia. For more information about Garry’s work, visit garryleech.com

加里·李奇是一名独立记者并写了大量书,这其中就包括《我是如何变成一名美国社会主义者的》、《资本主义:来自结构的种族灭绝》、《飞越波哥大:记录哥伦比亚毒品战争的记者日记》、以及《粗暴干涉:美国石油和新世界失序》。他还分别在加拿大及哥伦比亚的两所大学里教授国际政治。