存在于伊斯兰国宣传机器内的超自然的世界 [美国媒体]

National Security

国家安全

Inside the surreal world of the Islamic State’s propaganda machine

存在于“伊斯兰国”宣传机器内部的那个超自然的世界

By Greg Miller and Souad Mekhennet

作者：格里格·米勒和苏阿德·麦肯内

November 20

十一月20日

CONFRONTING THE ‘CALIPHATE’ | This is part of an occasional series about the rise of the Islamic State militant group, its implications for the Middle East, and efforts by the U.S. government and others to undermine it.

与这个“哈里发国”面对面：关于“伊斯兰国”这个激进组织的崛起、它对中东的意义、以及美国政府和其它国的政府为了削弱它所作出的努力，我们做了一个不定期更新的系列报道，下文就是这个系列的一部分。



An image grab taken from a propaganda video uploaded on June 8, 2014, by the Islamic State allegedly shows militants driving in vehicles near the central Iraqi city of Tikrit. (AFP/Getty Images)

本图片是从一段由伊斯兰国上传于2014年六月8日的宣传视频中抓下来的。据称表现的是激进分子在伊拉克中部城市提克里特附近驾驶汽车的场景。（法新社格迪提供照片）

RABAT, MOROCCO — The assignments arrive on slips of paper, each bearing the black flag of the Islamic State, the seal of the terrorist group’s media emir, and the site of that day’s shoot.

摩洛哥首都拉巴特——任务是通过写在几页纸上的形式传达下来的。每页纸上都有一面伊斯兰国的黑色旗帜，还有该恐怖组织的最高媒体领袖的封印，以及那天要拍摄的地点。

“The paper just gives you the location,” never the details, said Abu Hajer al-Maghribi, who spent nearly a year as a cameraman for the Islamic State. Sometimes the job was to film prayers at a mosque, he said, or militants exchanging fire. But, inevitably, a slip would come with the coordinates to an unfolding bloodbath.

Abu Hajer al-Maghribi在伊斯兰国当了大概一年时间的摄影师，他说：“纸上只告诉你位置。从不讲细节。”他还说：有时候摄影师的工作是记录在清真寺祈祷的教徒，或者交火的激进分子。不过那页要求摄影师去拍摄一段大屠杀的纸片终会到来。

For Abu Hajer, that card told him to drive two hours southwest of the Syrian city of Raqqa, the capital of the caliphate, or Islamic realm, declared by the militant group. There, he discovered that he was among 10 cameramen sent to record the final hours of more than 160 Syrian soldiers captured in 2014.

而对Abu Hajer来说，那张最终到来的卡片让他驱车两小时前往这个又被称作伊斯兰王国的哈里发国的首都叙利亚城市拉卡（当然这些表述皆来自该激进组织自称）。他到了那里才发现还有10个摄影师也被送到了那里。2014年的某段时间里他们要一起记录160多个叙利亚士兵最后的数小时。

“I held my Canon camera,” he said, as the soldiers were stripped to their underwear, marched into the desert, forced to their knees and massacred with automatic rifles.

“我拿着佳能摄像机，”他说，而那些被俘的士兵则被剥得只剩内裤，然后被赶进沙漠，最后被强迫跪下并被自动步枪屠杀。

His footage quickly found a global audience, released online in an Islamic State video that spread on social media and appeared in mainstream news coverage on Al Jazeera and other networks.

他拍摄的片段被放进了伊斯兰国录制的一个视频中，然后通过网络发布出去。很快，通过社交媒体的扩散，并被半岛电视台及其它主流媒体网的新闻报道采用，全球观众便都看到了这个片段。

Abu Hajer, who is now in prison in Morocco, is among more than a dozen Islamic State defectors or members in several countries who provided detailed accounts to The Washington Post of their involvement in, or exposure to, the most potent propaganda machine ever assembled by a terrorist group.

目前有十余名伊斯兰国叛逃者或是散居在数国的伊斯兰国成员向《华盛顿邮报》或提供他们所参与过的事件的细节，或揭露一个有史以来由恐怖分子组织组装的最强大的宣传机器。而目前在摩洛哥蹲监狱的Abu Hajer就是其中一员。

What they described resembles a medieval reality show. Camera crews fan out across the caliphate every day, their ubiquitous presence distorting the events they purportedly document. Battle scenes and public beheadings are so scripted and staged that fighters and executioners often perform multiple takes and read their lines from cue cards.

他们所描述的很像一部以中世纪为背景的真人表演。每天，负责摄像的工作人员在这个哈里发国里到处跑，而无所不在的摄像人员却扭曲了据说是由他们记录的事件。战斗和公开的砍头场景都是按照写好的脚本表演的，以致于战斗人员和行刑者常常要分饰多个表演任务，读取不同的分镜头提示卡中的台词。

Cameras, computers and other video equipment arrive in regular shipments from Turkey. They are delivered to a media division dominated by foreigners — including at least one American, according to those interviewed — whose production skills often stem from previous jobs they held at news channels or technology companies.

摄像机、电脑和其它的录像设备都是通过定期班轮从土耳其运过去的。这些货物被运到一个由外国人掌控的媒体部门（根据对他们的采访，我们知道这个部门中至少包括一名美国人）。这些外国人在去那里之前在新闻频道或是技术公司做着与媒体相关的工作，因此他们都有技术。

Senior media operatives are treated as “emirs” of equal rank to their military counterparts. They are directly involved in decisions on strategy and territory. They preside over hundreds of videographers, producers and editors who form a privileged, professional class with status, salaries and living arrangements that are the envy of ordinary fighters.

高级媒体工作人员与军队里的同级一样被当作“埃米尔”对待。他们直接参与战略及势力范围的决策。他们指挥好几百名摄影人员、制作人员和编辑共同形成一个享有特权的专业班组，而这个专业班组的地位、薪水以及生活安排都受到普通作战人员的羡慕。

“It is a whole army of media personnel,” said Abu Abdullah al-Maghribi, a second defector who served in the Islamic State’s security ranks but had extensive involvement with its propaganda teams.
“The media people are more important than the soldiers,” he said. “Their monthly income is higher. They have better cars. They have the power to encourage those inside to fight and the power to bring more recruits to the Islamic State.”

Abu Abdullah al-Maghribi是第二个投降的。他在伊斯兰国时服役于安全部队但是和宣传部门有很大的交集。他说：“媒体工作人员分工细致、部门齐全。媒体工作人员比士兵都重要。他们月收入更高。开更好的车。他们拥有鼓励内部人员去战斗的力量，他们还拥有招募更多新兵来伊斯兰国的力量。”

Increasingly, that power extends beyond the borders of the caliphate. The attacks in Paris were carried out by militants who belonged to a floating population of Islamic State followers, subjects who are scattered among dozens of countries and whose attachments to the group exist mainly online.

这种力量渐渐越过了该哈利法国的边界。几次执行对巴黎的袭击的激进分子都是追随伊斯兰国的流动人口。这些服从于伊斯兰国的追随者分散在几十个国家里，主要通过网络依附于组织。

Abdel-hamid Abaaoud, the alleged architect of the attacks who was killed in a raid in France, had appeared repeatedly in Islamic State recruiting materials. The barrage of videos and statements released afterward made clear that the overriding goal of the Islamic State is not merely to inflict terror on an adversary but also to command a global audience.

死于法国境内一次空袭的Abdel-hamid Abaaoud被怀疑制造了数次袭击，而且此人多次出现在伊斯兰国的招兵材料中。后来接二连三发布的一些视频和声明说得更清楚了：伊斯兰国最重要的目标不仅仅是把恐怖强加于敌手，它还要控制全球的观众。

The United States and its allies have found no meaningful answer to this propaganda avalanche. A State Department program to counter the caliphate’s messaging has cycled through a series of initiatives with minimal effect. Islamic State supporters online have repeatedly slipped around efforts to block them on Twitter and Facebook.

美国和它的盟国认为回应伊斯兰国大量涌来的宣传没意义。美国国务院有一个对该哈里发国的信息予以反击的计划，不过它没有花很大的努力，只是循环往复一些倡议。而伊斯兰国的支持者们则通过网络在“推特”和“脸书”上反复让这些努力失效。
   


Overmatched online, the United States has turned to lethal force. Recent U.S. airstrikes have killed several high-level operatives in the Islamic State’s media division, including Junaid Hussain, a British computer expert. FBI Director James B. Comey recently described the propaganda units of the Islamic State, also known as ISIL and ISIS, as military targets.

在网上被打败之后，美国又转向那些具有杀伤力的军队。近一段时间美国的空袭已经杀死了几个伊斯兰国媒体部门的高级别工作人员，这其中就包括一个英国电脑专家Junaid Hussain。联邦调查局局长詹姆士·B·康梅最近也称伊斯兰国（也被称作ISIL和ISIS）的宣传单位是军事目标。

“I am optimistic that the actions of our colleagues in the military to reduce the supply of ISIL tweeters will have an impact,” Comey said at an event last month in Washington. “But we’ll have to watch that space and see.”

康梅上个月在华盛顿的一次活动中说：“我们军队中的同僚要采取旨在减少ISIL通过‘推特’提供宣传材料的行动，我认为这样的行动必然会对ISIL造成冲击。不过我们还要继续观察后效。”

Research for this article involved interviews with Islamic State defectors and members, as well as security officials and counterterrorism experts in six countries on three continents. The most authoritative accounts came from seven Islamic State defectors who were either in prison in Morocco or recently released after facing terrorism charges upon their return from Syria. All spoke on the condition that they be identified only by the adopted names that they used in Syria.

为写作本文我们不仅采访了一些伊斯兰国的叛逃者及成员，还采访了遍及三大洲六个国家的负责安全事务的官员及反恐专家。当然最权威的记叙来自七个伊斯兰国的叛逃者。现在这些叛逃者中有的在摩洛哥服刑，有的则在从叙利亚返回并面临恐怖主义指控以后刚刚被释放。他们答应接受采访的条件是所用名字只能是他们在叙利亚使用的名字。

Those interviews were conducted with the permission of the Moroccan government in the administrative wing of a prison complex near the nation’s capital. The prisoners said they spoke voluntarily after being approached by Moroccan authorities on behalf of The Post. Other prisoners declined. Most of the interviews took place in the presence of security officials, an arrangement that probably led participants to play down their roles in the Islamic State but seemed to have little effect on their candor in describing the caliphate’s media division.

采访都是在摩洛哥首都一座监狱的行政楼里进行的，都得到过摩洛哥政府的许可。接受采访的囚犯说在代表《华盛顿邮报》的摩洛哥政府相关部门与他们接触之后他们是自愿讲述的。其他囚犯则拒绝接受采访。大部分采访期间都有安全官员到场。安全官员到场虽然可能让受访者故意缩小其在伊斯兰国内部扮演的角色，但是似乎也没有让受访者在描述该哈里发国的媒体部门时有失公允。

The cameraman

一位摄影师

Abu Hajer, a soft-spoken Moroccan with a thin beard and lean physique, said he had been active in jihadist media circles for more than a decade before he entered Syria in 2013. He began participating in online Islamist forums after the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, he said, and later became an administrator of an influential site known as Shamukh, giving him authority to admit new members and monitor the material other militants posted.

Abu Hajer体型单薄，留有淡淡的胡须，讲话细声细气。他说自己在2013年进入叙利亚之前已经在圣战主义者的媒体圈中活跃十几年了。在美国于2003年入侵伊拉克之后，他开始加入伊斯兰主义者的在线论坛，后来成了一个颇具影响力的网站的管理员。这个颇具影响力的网站又以“荣耀”这个名字着称。该网站让他管理新成员并监督其他激进分子写的贴子。

Those credentials cleared his path to coveted assignments within the Islamic State, a group that began as al-Qaeda’s affiliate in Iraq before splitting off from that terrorist network in an ideological rupture two years ago.

而两年以前“伊斯兰国”这个组织并没有从意识形态上与“基地组织”分道扬镳，还是以“基地组织”分支机构的名义在伊拉克开始活动的，因此他的那些工作凭证正好为他在伊斯兰国内部获得一个渴盼已久的工作机会扫清了障碍。

The group has an elaborate system for evaluating and training new arrivals. Abu Hajer said that shortly after entering Syria he was groomed to be part of the Islamic State’s media team. He spent two months undergoing basic military training before he was admitted to a special, month-long program for media operatives.

伊斯兰国当时已经有了一整套详细的评估并培训新来者的系统。Abu Hajer说在进入叙利亚不久他就经过培训成为伊斯兰国媒体分队的成员。在获准为媒体工作人员做特殊的、需要月余才能完成的工作之前他进行了两个月的基本军事训练。

The program “specializes in how to do filming. How to mix footage. How to get the right voice and tone” in interviews, he said. After completing the course, he was given a Canon camera, a Samsung Galaxy smartphone and an assignment with the caliphate’s media unit in Raqqa.

他还说培训计划“专门教如何拍电影。如何将各个片段混在一起。如何在采访中得到完美的声音和画质”。课程完成以后，有人交给他一架佳能摄像机、一部三星Galaxy智能手机，并让他和哈里发国的媒体组去拉卡完成一个任务。

Abu Hajer, who is in his mid-30s, had come from an impoverished corner of Morocco. Now that he is in prison, his wife and children have returned to the encampment where they lived before departing, a shanty village of corrugated tin and plywood with no running water near a cement plant on the outskirts of Rabat.

三十五岁的Abu Hajer来自摩洛哥一个贫困的小地方。既然他已经被捕了，他的妻子和孩子们则返回离开摩洛哥拉巴特之前居住的营地。那个营地是一个简陋的村落，位于拉巴特郊区一家水泥厂附近，房子都是用波浪形的锡瓦和胶合板做成的，也没有自来水。

In Syria, they were given a villa with a garden. Abu Hajer was issued a car, a Toyota Hilux with four-wheel drive to enable him to reach remote assignments. He was also paid a salary of $700 a month — seven times the sum paid to typical fighters — plus money for food, clothes and equipment. He said he was also excused from the taxes that the Islamic State imposes on most of its subjects.

在叙利亚给他们配备的住房则是一所带花园的别墅。还发给Abu Hajer一辆四轮驱动的丰田Hilux皮卡以便他能够去很远的地方执行任务。他的月薪是700美元（这是一般士兵薪水的7倍），外加食物、衣物和器材。他说虽然伊斯兰国让其治下的几乎所有人都交税，但是他不用交。

He quickly settled into a routine that involved getting his work assignments each morning on pieces of paper that also served as travel documents enabling him to pass Islamic State checkpoints. Most jobs were mundane, such as capturing scenes from markets or celebrations of Muslim holidays.

他的工作很快就形成了规律：每天早上他会接到一页纸，这页纸不仅写着他的工作安排，还能在伊斯兰国内部当作通关过卡的通行证。大部分工作都很寻常，比如在市场上捕捉一些镜头或是拍摄穆斯林节日的庆祝仪式。

Abu Hajer said he encountered only one Western hostage, John Cantlie, a British war correspondent who was kidnapped in Syria in 2012. Cantlie was cast by his captors in a series of BBC-style news reports that touted the caliphate’s bustling economies and adherence to Islamic law while mocking Western governments.

Abu Hajer说西方人质他只遇到过一个，名字叫约翰·坎特利，是2012年在叙利亚绑架的一个英国战地记者。抓坎特利的人将他拍下来，放进一个模仿BBC风格的系列新闻报道中，并借以嘲弄西方政府、同时吹嘘该哈里发国活跃的经济状况、以及对伊斯兰教法的忠贞。



An image grab taken from a video released by the Islamic State group group via Youtube on Oct. 27, 2014 purportedly shows 43-year-old kidnapped British reporter John Cantlie standing in a war-damaged town, talking to the camera and rejecting US claims that the "mujahedeen" are in retreat of Kobane, also known as Ain al-Arab, in northern Syria. (-/AFP/Getty Images)

本照片抓拍自一段由伊斯兰国通过youtube发行于2014年十月27日的视频。照片中是遭绑架的43岁英国记者约翰·坎特利面对镜头站在叙利亚北部一个毁于战争的镇子中。当时他拒绝承认美国所声称的“穆斯林游击队员”撤往科巴尼（也被称作艾因阿拉伯，是叙利亚北部的一座城市）的话。

Abu Hajer said he filmed Cantlie in Mosul in 2014, and he said that by then the British broadcaster was no longer wearing an orange jumpsuit or confined to a darkened room and was allowed to wander among the markets and streets of Mosul for camera crews.

Abu Hajer说他是2014年在摩苏尔给坎特利拍了一段镜头，他还说截止他拍片的时候这个英国记者都不用穿橘红色的连衣裤，也没有被关在黑屋子中，还因为拍摄的需要被允许在摩苏尔的集市和大街小巷中溜达。

“I cannot tell you whether he was coerced or threatened. He was walking freely,” Abu Hajer said, an assertion that is at odds with what is known about Cantlie’s captivity.

Abu Hajer说：“我真的不清楚他是否遭到强迫或威胁。当时他可以自由自在地走动。”这段话与那些人们所了解的坎特利遭囚禁的情况不一致。

A video released in January shows Cantlie in multiple locations in Mosul, including one in which he is riding a motorcycle with an armed militant seated behind him. It was among his final appearances before the series was halted with no explanation or subsequent indication of Cantlie’s fate, although articles attributed to him have since appeared in the caliphate’s magazine.

一月份的时候曾有一段记录坎特利被囚禁于摩苏尔多个地方的视频出现，而在其中一个囚禁地，坎特利当时骑在一辆摩托车上，而持枪的激进分子坐在他身后。那部记录坎特利的系列视频还未讲到或是暗示坎特利必死的宿命之前就停播了，因此虽然后来有一些据说是坎特利写的文章出现在该哈里发国的杂志上，但是那些视频画面却成了坎特利最后出现在世人面前的影像，

One of Abu Hajer’s next assignments took him to an elaborately staged scene of carnage, a mass execution-style killing choreographed for cameras in a way that has become an Islamic State signature.

然后Abu Hajer又被送到一个经过精心布置的大屠杀现场：专门为摄像机准备大规模处决的场景已然成了这个伊斯兰国有别于其它组织的标识。

After arriving at the site, he said that he and the other camera operators gathered to “organize ourselves so that we wouldn’t all film [from] the same perspective.”

他说在到达现场之后，“为了避免从一个角度拍摄，他和其他的摄像人员聚在一起商量每个摄像师的拍摄地点。”

Abu Hajer said he had grave objections to what happened to the Syrian soldiers in the massacre that he filmed in the desert near Tabqa air base. But he acknowledged that his misgivings had more to do with how the soldiers were treated — and whether that comported with Islamic law — than any concern for their fates.

Abu Hajer还说那次在Tabqa空军基地附近的沙漠中屠杀叙利亚士兵时他承担的都是拍摄即将被处死的士兵的镜头，不过他承认比起拍摄这些镜头，他更担心要去拍摄这些士兵被折磨的过程（不管是不是按照伊斯兰教法的要求表现出来）。

As the soldiers were stripped and marched into the desert, Abu Hajer said he filmed from the window of his car as an Egyptian assistant drove alongside the parade of condemned men.

当这些士兵被剥光并被赶到沙漠中的时候，Abu Hajer说他就通过车窗进行拍摄，而一名埃及助理则驾车沿着这群即将被处死的人行进。

“When the group stopped, I got out,” he said. “They were told to kneel down. Some soldiers got shot. Others were beheaded.” The video, still available online, shows multiple camera operators moving in and out of view as Islamic State operatives fire hundreds of rounds.

“当队伍停止的时候我就下了车，”他说。“他们被要求跪下。一些士兵给击毙了，还有一些则被砍了头。”这段视频还挂在网上。从视频看，当伊斯兰国的刽子手向大约几百人开枪的时候经常有摄像人员被其它的摄像机拍摄下来。

“It wasn’t the killing of soldiers that I was against,” Abu Hajer said. “They were Syrian soldiers, Nusairis,” he said, referring to the religious sect to which Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and his closest supporters belong. “I thought they deserved to get shot.”

“我反对的不是杀死士兵，”Abu Hajer说。“他们是叙利亚士兵，信的是什叶派，我认为他们被射杀是他们应得的。”他说这话指的是叙利亚总统巴沙尔·阿萨德及其最亲密的支持者所属的教派。

“What I didn’t like was that they were stripped to their underwear,” he said, an indignity that he considered an affront to Islamic law.

“我不喜欢的是他们被剥得只剩下内裤。”，他这样说是因为他认为像这样的羞辱是对伊斯兰教法的侮辱。



An image grab taken from a propaganda video released on Nov. 16, 2014 by al-Furqan Media allegedly shows members of the Islamic State jihadist group preparing the simultaneous beheadings of at least 15 men described as Syrian military personnel. (-/AFP/Getty Images)

这张照片是从通过Furqan媒体（一家伊斯兰媒体机构）发布于2014年十一月16日的一段视频中抓下来的。该照片表现的是伊斯兰国的圣战主义者组织准备同时砍下至少15个男人的头（这个数字来自叙利亚的一名军人）。（法新社/盖迪供片）

Abu Hajer also said he kept his lens aimed away from the beheadings because of his objections to the practice. But asked whether he considered refusing to record the massacre, he said he feared that would consign him to the fate of those he filmed.

Abu Hajer还说因为他的任务是拍活的，所以他不拍那些被砍了头的。但是当被问及他是否考虑过拒绝记录那次屠杀时，他说他害怕拒绝会给他带来和他拍摄的对象一样的命运。

“You don’t want to do it,” he said, “but you know that you cannot say, ‘No.’ ”

“你不想做，”他说，“但是你清楚你没有权利拒绝。”

The machine

一部机器

The contradictions of the Islamic State’s propaganda apparatus can make its structure and strategy seem incoherent.
The group exerts extraordinarily tight control over the production of its videos and messages but relies on the chaos of the Internet and social media to disseminate them. Its releases cluster around seemingly incompatible themes: sometimes depicting the caliphate as a peaceful and idyllic domain, other times as a society awash in apocalyptic violence.

伊斯兰国用于宣传的设备上的几个矛盾之处让伊斯兰国的结构和战略似乎是前后不连贯的。虽然该组织对视频和信息的制造控制得非常严格，但是它却要依赖互联网和社交媒体的混乱去传播它们。它发布的东西似乎有两个不兼容的主题思想：有时这个哈里发国被描述为和平恬静的乐土，而有时它又成了一个漂泊在那种能毁灭世界的暴力中的社会。

The dual messages are designed to influence a divided audience. The beheadings, immolations and other spectacles are employed both to menace Western adversaries and to appeal to disenfranchised Muslim males weighing a leap into the Islamist fray.

设计这样双重的信息是为了分别影响不同种类的受众的。砍头、把人活活烧死以及其它惨不忍睹的场景既可以用来威胁恐吓西方对手，又可以号召男性穆斯林积极参与到伊斯兰主义者的战斗中。

A separate collection depicts the Islamic State as a livable destination, a benevolent state committed to public works. Videos show the construction of public markets, smiling religious police on neighborhood patrols and residents leisurely fishing on the banks of the Euphrates.

而另一套与上述完全不相关联的信息则将伊斯兰国描述为一个宜居的好去处，一个充满仁爱的并致力于为公众服务的国度。有一些视频显示集贸市场的建筑、宗教警察面带微笑在隔壁巡逻、而居民则在幼发拉底河边闲适地垂钓。

Even the concept of the caliphate has a dual aspect. The terrorist group’s rise is a result mainly of its demonstrated military power and the tangible territory it has seized. But a remarkable amount of its energy is devoted to creating an alternative, idealized version of itself online and shaping how that virtual empire is perceived.

甚至支撑这个哈里发国的概念都有两面性。该恐怖组织的崛起主要来自于其军队的表现以及其实际夺取的领土。但是它却投入相当大的努力在互联网上创造一种非传统的、理想化的自我形象，并重塑别人对这个虚拟帝国的看法。





The following images from Islamic State media are seen in screen grabs obtained by The Washington Post taken from the mobile messaging service Telegram, a promotional and recruitment platform for Islamic State. (Obtained by The Washington Post)

当《华盛顿邮报》在伊斯兰国媒体发布的视频上看到这些画面时将它们抓拍了下来。这些视频通过移动信息服务媒介Telegram传播。Telegram成了伊斯兰国的宣传及征兵平台。（《华盛顿邮报》截图）

That project has been entrusted to a media division that was operational well before the caliphate was formally declared in 2014. U.S. intelligence officials said they have little insight into who controls the Islamic State’s propaganda strategy, although it is presumed to be led by Abu Muhammad al-Adnani, the caliphate’s main spokesman.

在这个哈里发国于2014年正式宣布成立之前这种形象塑造工程就已经委托给在当时就已经运行得很好的媒体部门做了。美国情报官员说尽管有人推测是该哈里发国的主要发言人Abu Muhammad al-Adnani在控制伊斯兰国的宣传战略，但是究竟是不是他，他们依然一无所知。

The media wing has relied on veterans of al-Qaeda media teams, young recruits fluent in social media platforms, and a bureaucratic discipline reminiscent of totalitarian regimes. Defectors and current members said that phones and cameras they brought to Syria were impounded upon arrival by the Islamic State to prevent unauthorized and potentially unflattering images from finding their way online.

伊斯兰国的媒体运作依赖以下三方面：原基地组织媒体团队的老兵、活跃在社交媒体平台新进人员、以及一种让人联想到各种极权政府所依赖的官僚纪律。叛逃者和没有叛逃的成员都说他们一到达伊斯兰国他们自己买的并带到叙利亚的手机和摄像机就遭没收，这样做是为了防止未经批准的和可能不讨人喜欢的图片出现在网上。

Only sanctioned crew members were allowed to carry cameras, and even they were to follow strict guidelines on the handling of their material. Once finished with a day’s shooting, the crews were to load their recordings onto laptops, transfer the footage to memory sticks, then deliver those to designated drop sites.

只有经过认可的成员才可以拿着摄像机。不过即使他们拿着摄像机，在处理他们摄制的材料时他们也要严格遵循一些指导原则。一旦完成一天的拍摄任务，这些工作人员就要把他们记录下来的东西存进手提电脑，然后将电影脚本存入U盘，最后把拍摄的脚本送入一个事先指定好的接收网站。

In an Islamic State enclave near Aleppo, the media division’s headquarters was a two-story home in a residential neighborhood, defectors said. The site was protected by armed guards, and only those with permission from the regional emir were allowed to enter.

叛逃者们说媒体总部位于阿勒颇旁边的一块伊斯兰国飞地里的一个居民区的一栋两层楼房里。有持枪保安。只有那些从宗教“埃米尔”手中获得许可的人才能进入。

Each floor had four rooms packed with cameras, computers and other high-end equipment, said Abu Abdullah, 37, who made occasional visits to the site as a security and logistics operative. Internet access went through a Turkish wireless service.

三十七岁的Abu Abdullah曾作为安全和后勤人员去过那栋楼几次。他说每一层楼有四个堆满摄像机、电脑和其它高端设备的房间。而接入互联网则是通过土耳其的一个无线服务器。

The house served as an editorial office of Dabiq, the Islamic State’s glossy online magazine. Some also worked for al-Furqan, the terrorist group’s main media wing, which accounts for the majority of its videos and mass-audience statements.

这所房子主要用作伊斯兰国最光辉的在线杂志《Dabiq》的编辑部。还有一些房间也用于该恐怖组织的主要媒体部门al-Furqan的工作室。从工作室的位置就可以解释它制作的大部分视频以及带给广大受众的观点出自何处了。

Overall, there were more than 100 media operatives assigned to the unit, Abu Abdullah said. “Some of them were hackers; some were engineers.”

Abu Abdullah说总共有100多名媒体工作人员被指派到这个地方工作，“他们中有一些是黑客；有一些则是工程师。”

Abu Abdullah had no affiliation with the media arm, but he often did its bidding. At one point he was tapped to install a generator at the media headquarters so that it would not lose power when electricity went down.

虽然Abu Abdullah不属于保卫媒体部门的军事人员，但是他还是经常被那里召唤去干活。有一次他就在媒体部门的总部安装了一台发电机，以便他们不受停电影响。

Another assignment involved recovering corpses from battle scenes and arranging them to be photographed for propaganda videos exalting their sacrifice. He would wash away dried blood, lift the corners of dead fighters’ mouths into beatific smiles, and raise their index fingers in a gesture adopted by the Islamic State as a symbol of its cause.

Abu Abdullah做过的另一个任务是为了强化那些在战斗中被打死的人的牺牲精神，去把他们的尸体从战斗地点找回来，并对尸体进行拍照，再将照片放进一些宣传视频中。他不仅要擦干净已经干涸的血迹，还要抬高死尸嘴巴的角度让它呈现天使般的微笑，最后把死尸的食指举到某种姿势，而这种姿势就是伊斯兰国作为解释它的事业而采用的一种标志。

Many in the American public were introduced to the Islamic State through wrenching videos in which Mohammed Emwazi — a masked, knife-wielding militant with a British accent known as “Jihadi John” — slit the throats of Western hostages, including Americans James Foley and Steve Sotloff.

许多在美国的公众都是通过一些让人痛苦的视频认识伊斯兰国的。在那些视频中蒙面持刀说话带英国口音的激进分子“圣战士约翰”（真名是Mohammed Emwazi）切开了包括美国人詹姆士·富勒和斯蒂夫·萨特洛夫在内的西方人质的喉咙。

Scrutiny of those and other videos revealed an extraordinary level of choreography. Discrepancies among frames showed that scenes had been rehearsed and shot in multiple takes over many hours.

仔细观看那些视频你会发现他们具有合成视频的高超手法。那一帧一帧的画面中所表现出来的差异说明那些场景是经过排演的，而且是经过数小时多次拍摄完成的。

The releases showed professional-caliber attention to lighting, sound and camera positioning. Certain videos, including one showing a decapitated American Peter Kassig, appear to have employed special effects software to digitally impose images of Kassig and his killer against a dramatic backdrop.

从发布出来的视频我们看到灯光布置、声音处理和拍摄位置都具有专业水准。其中一些视频（包括斩首美国人彼得·卡斯格在内的视频）都明显使用了专业制作视频的数字软件，这些软件将卡斯格和杀他的人的图像投射到舞台背景之上。

Those production efforts were reserved for videos aimed at mass Western audiences and were addressed explicitly to President Obama. But defectors said that even internal events not intended for a global viewership were similarly staged.

如此精良的制作，其目的便是指向西方受众，尤其是奥巴马总统，因为叛逃者说不是为全球电视观众准备的内部事件视频就不会像这样制作了。

Abu Abdullah said he had witnessed a public execution-style killing in the city of Bab in which a propaganda team presided over almost every detail. They brought a white board scrawled with Arabic script to serve as an off-camera cue card for the public official charged with reciting the condemned man’s alleged crimes. The hooded executioner raised and lowered his sword repeatedly so that crews could catch the blade from multiple angles.

Abu Abdullah说他可以证明一次发生在巴倍市的公开处决的每一个细节都是由一个宣传团队指挥的。他们带去一块写满阿拉伯字母的白板，并将它放置在摄像头之外给政府官员提词，而那满满一板详细写着的是那个被宣告有罪的男人的可疑的罪行。

The beheading took place only when the camera crew’s director said it was time to proceed. The execution wasn’t run by the executioner, Abu Abdullah said. “It’s the media guy who says when they are ready.”

砍头仅仅发生在摄像组的导演说可以开始了才开始。Abu Abdullah说那次死刑不是由死刑执行者说了算的，“是管媒体的那个家伙说准备好了可以开始了，这才开始的。”

The brand

一种主张

For two decades, the dominant brand in militant Islam was al-Qaeda. But the Islamic State has eclipsed it in the span of two years by turning the older network’s propaganda playbook on its head.

二十年来，在激进的伊斯兰教中起支配地位的主张一直是基地组织所宣称的。但是在这20年里依靠颠覆基地组织那些较老式的媒体网络宣传方案，伊斯兰国已经让基地组织宣称的东西黯然失色了

Al-Qaeda’s releases always exalted its leaders, particularly Osama bin Laden. But the Islamic State’s propaganda is generally focused on its fighters and followers. Appearances by leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi or his senior lieutenants have been rare.

基地组织发布的东西往往是为了提升它的领袖们，尤其是本·拉登。但是伊斯兰国的宣传却集中在它的士兵和追随者。它的领袖巴格达迪或是巴格达迪的高级官员的图像几乎没有。

Rejecting the lecture format employed by al-Qaeda, the Islamic State’s videos are cinematic, emphasizing dramatic scenes, stylized transitions and special effects.

伊斯兰国拒绝基地组织使用的演说格式，转而采用强调戏剧场景、格式化转变以及特殊效果的电影风格。

“The group is very image-conscious, much like a corporation,” said a U.S. intelligence official involved in monitoring the Islamic State’s media operations. Its approach to building its brand is so disciplined, the official said, “that it’s very much like saying ‘This is Coca-Cola’ or ‘This is Nike.’ ”

一位监视伊斯兰国媒体工作人员的美国情报官员说：“该组织的图像意识非常强，更像一个公司。”这个官员还说：“该组织建立其思想主张的方式是受过专业训练的，这让他们表述自己的方式非常像是在说：‘这是可口可乐’或是‘这是耐克。’”

The propaganda competition with al-Qaeda is a high priority, defectors said. One former Islamic State fighter said that he came under enormous pressure from the organization after it learned that his father had been a high-ranking al-Qaeda operative killed in Pakistan in a CIA drone strike.

叛逃者说与基地组织的宣传竞争是优先考虑的事。一个前伊斯兰国士兵说他的父亲，一个基地组织的高级人员，在巴基斯坦被中央情报局的无人机杀掉的消息被证实之后，他顶着巨大的压力从伊斯兰国跑出来。

Islamic State media figures pushed the recruit to appear in a video renouncing his father’s organization, said the son, who spoke on the condition that neither he nor his father be identified. His refusal, and reluctance to fight al-Qaeda’s affiliate in Syria, damaged his standing in the Islamic State, and he said he fled in fear for his life.

这个身为人子的人说伊斯兰国媒体人把他当作新征入伍的士兵推去拍一个视频，并要在该视频中说他父亲所属的组织，不过伊斯兰国媒体人给的条件是不暴露他或他父亲的姓名。他拒绝了。再加上他不想在叙利亚与基地组织的分支组织作战，这一切已经让他无法在伊斯兰国站住脚，于是他说为了活命，他逃了。

Al-Qaeda has typically required extraordinary patience from its audience. Even its most media-savvy affiliate, the al-Qaeda branch in Yemen, often takes months to release new issues of its online magazine, Inspire.

基地组织通常需要它的受众有超出常人的耐心。甚至基地组织位于也门的那家最通情达理的媒体分支机构发行新一期的在线杂志《激励》也要花个数月。

The frequency and volume of releases by the Islamic State are staggering by comparison. The group has produced hundreds of videos in more than a half-dozen languages, puts out daily radio broadcasts and garners as many as 2 million mentions per month on Twitter.

相比较而言伊斯兰国发行杂志及视频的频率与卷数都是令人震惊的。这个组织已经用全球被使用的语言中的一半多制造了数百个视频文件，每天还有无线广播，并且坚持每月在Twitter上发布推文，累计已达200万条，

Twitter and Facebook have moved to shut down accounts associated with the Islamic State and ban the distribution of its messages, but users have found ways to resurface. Thousands of loyalists have also flocked to new services that are less vulnerable to government scrutiny, including Telegram, a messaging application created by a Russian software entrepreneur, although Telegram began shutting down Islamic State channels after the Paris attacks.

虽然推特和脸书已经关闭了与伊斯兰国有联系的账号，并禁止它发送信息，但是用户还是找到其它的方法重出江湖。还有数千名效忠者集结在那些较少被政府检查的服务器上，这其中就包括由一家俄罗斯软件公司制造的信息应用软件Telegram，尽管“巴黎袭击”之后Telegram开始关闭伊斯兰国的频道了。

The Islamic State has also exploited apparent connections to news organizations in the Middle East. A video that surfaced in 2013 appeared to show an Al Jazeera correspondent working with a cameraman, Reda Seyam, a militant who had been linked to terrorist plots and is a senior figure in the Islamic State.

伊斯兰国毫不掩饰地利用它与中东各个媒体组织的联系。2013年曾有一个视频说的就是一个半岛电视台的记者和一个名叫Reda Seyam的摄影师一起工作的事，而这个Reda Seyam可是伊斯兰国的一个高级角色，密谋过多起恐怖袭击。

In a comprehensive examination of the terrorist group’s media releases in the summer, Charlie Winter, until recently an analyst at the Quilliam Group in the United Kingdom, identified 1,146 distinct pieces of propaganda, including photos, videos and audio releases, during a single month-long stretch.

今年夏天发表的一篇题为《全面检查该恐怖组织的媒体部门所发表的东西》的文章中，英国一个在反极端主义组织“Quilliam”工作的工作人员查理·温特，对恐怖组织伊斯兰国的媒体部门在一个月之中发布的1146件宣传品（已经确定无疑是由他们出品的）做了一次检查，这其中不仅包括照片，还有视频和广播。不过这件工作最近才开始做。

Winter counted as many as 36 separate media offices that answer to the Islamic State’s headquarters in Raqqa — including affiliates in Libya, Afghanistan and West Africa — and saw evidence of extraordinary coordination across the network.

温特指出有多达36家独立的媒体工作室向伊斯兰国位于拉卡的总部以及位于利比亚、阿富汗和西非的分支机构效力——而且有证据显示它们之间有着非同一般的合作关系。

At one point during his study, on July 19, he noticed that every affiliate had simultaneously shifted to a new logo with the same stylized Arabic script. The icon appeared in the same location on every image and in the initial frame of every video release.

当检查进入七月19日的时候，温特注意到每一个分支机构都是同步且用格式相同的阿拉伯字符更换机构标示。这个标示不仅出现在每一张图片的相同位置，而且还出现在他们发行的每一个视频的第一帧位置上。

“There was clearly a communique issued,” Winter said in an interview. “The Islamic State is constantly striving to be as formalized, as bureaucratic-seeming as possible, to keep up the appearance of being a state.”

温特在一次采访中说：“很清楚他们签署过一份联合公报。伊斯兰国一直在努力让自身尽可能的正式化、尽可能表现得像一个官僚系统，这样做可以让它从表面看是一个国家。”

That effort to simulate legitimacy is particularly pervasive inside the caliphate.

这种模仿正统性的努力在该哈里发国内部尤其普遍。

The same videos employed to shock outsiders are used internally to cow the group’s less enthusiastic subjects. A constant stream of Utopian messages is designed to convince residents, in Soviet-style fashion, of the superiority of the Islamic State.

相同的视频，对外是用来震慑的，而对内却是用来恐吓组织里那些热情燃烧得不够的对象的。他们持续不断地设计大量乌托邦式的信息，用的是苏联式的方式，宣扬的却是伊斯兰国的优越性，然后让它内部的居民相信这些信息。

While Internet access is often restricted to the public, propaganda units set up giant viewing screens in neighborhoods where residents come out in the evenings to watch approved videos streamed from laptops.

公众访问互联网常常受到限制，但是宣传部门却总是在居民区架设大的屏幕让居民夜晚出门观看来自笔记本电脑的审核合格的视频。

“It’s like a movie theater,” said Abu Hourraira al-Maghribi, a 23-year-old with a shaved head who wore an Adidas hoodie when he met with reporters in prison. The videos are drawn from the Islamic State’s expanding film library, he said, depicting “daily life, [military] training and beheadings.”

我们在监狱里还采访了23岁的Abu Hourraira al-Maghribi。他当时剃了头，穿一件阿迪达斯带兜帽的运动衫。对于上述露天播映视频的做法，他说：“那就像一个电影院。那些视频来自伊斯兰国那个正在不断扩大的视频库，描写的都是日常生活、军事训练和砍头。”

The Islamic State’s most notorious videos — including those showing the beheadings of Western hostages and the burning of a caged Jordanian fighter pilot — were shown over and over, he said, long after their audiences beyond the caliphate dissipated.

他还说包括砍掉西方人质头颅以及将约旦飞行员关在笼子里活活烧死在内的那些伊斯兰国最臭名昭着的视频都被一遍又一遍播放，即使该哈里发国那一边的观众已经开始花天酒地了还要放映很久。

Abu Hourraira said he attended one screening on a street near the University of Mosul that attracted about 160 people, including at least 10 women and 15 children. One of the videos showed an execution by Emwazi, who is believed to have been killed this month in a U.S. drone strike.

Abu Hourraira说他曾在摩苏尔大学旁边加入过一次街头放映，那次放映吸引了大概160人，这其中包括10个妇女和15个儿童。那次放映的视频中有一个讲的是Emwazi（一般认为此人本月已被美国飞行机器人灭了）执行的一次死刑。

“The kids, they are not looking away — they are fascinated by it,” Abu Hourraira said. Jihadi John became a subject of such fascination that some children started to mimic his uniform, he said, wearing all “black and a belt with a little knife.”

“那些孩子的视线没有离开过视频——他们对视频内容很感兴趣，”Abu Hourrairra说。他还说“圣战主义者约翰”成了这种迷恋的对象，以致于一些孩子开始模仿他的制服穿起了“黑色的衣服、腰间系一根带子，并挂一把小刀。”

The Americans

那些美国人

The Islamic State maintains strict bureaucratic boundaries within its media wing. Camera crews were kept separate from the teams of producers and editors who stitched the raw footage together, adding titles, effects and soundtracks. Real names were almost never exchanged.

伊斯兰国在它的媒体部门内部执行严格的官僚式分离制度。制片人和编辑负责把原始脚本贴在一起，加上标题、效果和声音，而摄像人员从不与他们接触，彼此之间也几乎不交换真名。

But Abu Hajer and two other defectors said that an American in his late 30s with white skin and dark-but-graying hair was a key player in some of the Islamic State’s most ambitious videos.

但是Abu Hajer和另外两个叛逃者说有一个近40岁的美国人在伊斯兰国绝大部分充满雄心的视频中扮演关键角色。他是个白种人，有一头正在变灰的黑发。

“The American does the editing,” Abu Hajer said, and was the creative force behind a 55-minute documentary called “Flames of War” that was released in late 2014. The film strives to create a mythology surrounding the Islamic State’s origin and connection to the historic Muslim caliphate.

“这个美国人干的是编辑，”Abu Hajer说，“他还是一部55分钟长的名为《战争的火焰》（该片致力于围绕伊斯兰国的起源创造一种神秘主义气氛，并将之与历史上的穆斯林哈里发国联系在一起）的纪录片的主创人员。那片子在2014年年末的时候发行。”。

It culminates with scenes of Syrian soldiers digging their own graves while a masked fighter, speaking English with a North American accent, warns that “the flames of war are only beginning to intensify.”

当片中的叙利亚士兵在挖掘自己的坟墓而一个操北美口音英语的蒙面士兵警告说：“战争的火焰才刚刚开始增强。”的时候，这部片子到达了高潮部分。

Another American-sounding figure surfaced more recently, delivering daily news broadcasts that appear to emanate from a radio station that the Islamic State overran last year in Mosul. After the attacks in Paris, his voice was the one that most English-speaking audiences heard describing France as “the capital of prostitution and vice” and warning that governments involved in strikes in Syria “will continue to be at the top of the target list.”

另一个操美式英语的人物是最近刚刚浮现出来的。去年伊斯兰国在摩苏尔架设了一个无线电发射台，此人就为该电台播送每日的新闻。在“巴黎袭击”之后，大部分说英语的听众都说他的声音将法国描述为“妓女和有病的人的首都”，并警告说“各个正在攻击叙利亚的政府“必将一直位于目标榜的榜首。”

U.S. officials said they have been unable to determine the identity of that speaker or others with North American accents. The militant who appeared in the “Flames of War” film remains the subject of an entry on the FBI’s Web site appealing to the public for help identifying him.

美国政府官员说他们无法确定这些说北美英语的人究竟是谁。在《战争的火焰》一片中出现的那个激进分子还在《进入联邦调查局网站》一片中充当主角，因此美国政府官员呼吁公众帮助他们将此人辨认出来。

The defectors

叛逃者

The Islamic State’s relentless media campaign has fueled a global migration of militants. More than 30,000 foreign fighters from more than 115 countries have flooded into Syria since the start of that country’s civil war. At least a third arrived within the past year, the vast majority of them to join the Islamic State, according to U.S. intelligence estimates.

伊斯兰国坚持不懈地进行的媒体运动吸引着全球的激进分子前往该处。自从叙利亚内战开始以来，来自超过115个国家的3万多名外国士兵如洪水一般涌进该国。根据美国情报部门的估计这其中至少有1/3是于去年到达的，而这1/3中的绝大多数加入了伊斯兰国。

Of the defectors interviewed by The Post, all but one said their decisions to leave for Syria could be traced to videos they saw online, or encounters on social media, that ignited a jihadist impulse. The only outlier said that he had been prodded by a friend to come to Syria and was promptly imprisoned for refusing to fight.

《华盛顿邮报》采访过的叛逃者中除了一个之外其他的都这样说道：他们作出离开家乡前往叙利亚这么一个决定的初始处都可以要么追朔到他们在网上看过的那些视频、要么追朔到他们在社交媒体上遇到的人，正是这些视频和这些人点燃了他们圣战主义者的冲动。那唯一一个例外则说他是被一个朋友怂恿去叙利亚的，而且因为拒绝作战被立刻给关了起来。

Abu Hourraira, who spent months fighting in Iraq, said he began searching online for material about the Islamic State as the group began to dominate headlines about the war in Syria. He decided to abandon his job at a dry-cleaning business in Casablanca only after watching the group’s emotionally charged videos.

在伊拉克打过数月仗的Abu Hourraira说当伊斯兰国包揽所有关于叙利亚战争新闻的头条时，他开始在网上搜索有关伊斯兰国的资料。仅仅是在看过该组织及其煽动情绪的视频之后，他便决定放弃他在卡萨布兰卡的一家干洗店的工作。

“Some were like Van Damme movies,” he said, referring to Jean-Claude Van Damme, the Hollywood action star. “You see these men fighting, and you want to be one of these brave heroes.”

“有些视频很像冯·戴姆的电影，”他说，“你看着那些男人打战，然后你就想成为这些勇敢的英雄中的一员。”他所说的这个冯·戴姆就是好莱坞动作影星冯·戴姆·尚格·云顿。

Like many countries in the region, Morocco has struggled to offset that pull. Moroccan security officials said that more than 1,500 men had left the country to fight in Iraq and Syria, plus more than 500 women and children, many of them seeking to join their spouses, sons or fathers.

和该地区的许多国家一样，摩洛哥一直在努力抵销这种吸引力。摩洛哥安全官员说已经有超过1500名男人，外加500多名妇女和儿童离开该国前往伊拉克和叙利亚参加战斗，而他们中的许多人都是去加入他们先行的配偶、儿子或是父亲的。

Several of the attackers in Paris, including the alleged architect, were of Moroccan descent, but were born and grew up in Europe.

虽然包括那个所谓的缔造者在内的几个“巴黎袭击”的制造者都有摩洛哥血统，但却都是在欧洲出生长大的。

“The fight now is with the propaganda because it plays a very big role in these numbers,” said a senior Moroccan security official who spoke on the condition that neither he nor his agency be identified. Al-Qaeda recruitment relied almost exclusively on direct contact in mosques or other settings, he said, but “now, 90 percent are being recruited online.”

一位不愿意透露姓名及工作单位的摩洛哥高级安全官员说：“因为宣传在这几起袭击中扮演着非常重要的作用，所以可以看出现在的袭击都是和宣传结合在一起的。”他还说基地组织差不多都是依靠在清真寺或其它地点与被征召者直接联系来征募新成员的，但是“如今90%的招募工作都是通过网络完成的。”

Defectors offered conflicting views on whether the Islamic State would endure. Some said that a cohort of young males in Iraq and Syria are already coming of age immersed in the group’s propaganda and ideology, and that a generation of children was being raised to idealize its masked militants.

对于伊斯兰国是否会持续下去这个问题，叛逃者们的观点不一，充满矛盾。一些叛逃者说有一大群伊拉克和叙利亚的年轻男性已经达到会沉迷于该组织的宣传和意识形态的年龄，还有就是这一代的孩子也是在以蒙面的激进分子为榜样的环境中被抚养长大的。

But all attributed their decisions to leave Iraq and Syria to a combination of factors, including not only fears for their safety but also a disenchantment that set in when the reality of the caliphate failed to match the version they had encountered online.

但是不是单一一个因素让他们作出离开伊拉克和叙利亚这个决定的——这其中不仅包括对自身安全的担忧，也包括当该哈里发国的实际情况不符合他们通过网络看到的情形时的自我觉醒。

Some said they were haunted by scenes of cruelty they saw firsthand but that Islamic State propaganda teams edited out. Abu Abdullah, who wore a hood to disguise his identity during an interview, said he witnessed a mass killing near Aleppo in which Islamic State fighters fired into a crowd of Alawites including women and children.

一些叛逃者说他们亲眼看到的残酷景象像噩梦一样萦绕心头挥之不去，但是在伊斯兰国的宣传中，这些东西都被编辑掉了。Abu Abdullah在受访期间都戴着兜帽掩盖自己的身份，他说他可以为一次发生在阿勒颇附近的集体杀戮作证，在那次杀戮中伊斯兰国的士兵向一群信仰阿拉维教派的人扫射，而遭到扫射的人中包括妇女和儿童。

When a 10-year-old boy emerged alive, the highest-ranking militant on hand “pulled out a gun and shot him,” Abu Abdullah said. The slaying was recorded by the ever-present camera crews, he said, but the footage “was never aired.”
Abu Hajer, the former cameraman, said his standing with the group began to slip when he became involved in helping to administer the Islamic State’s religious courts. After sharing views that he said were at odds with his superiors, the perks of his media position were withdrawn.

Abu Abdullah说当一个10岁的男孩被发现还活着的时候，当时在场的级别最高的激进分子“掏出枪把他给毙了”。他还说这场杀戮被一直在场的摄影人员记录了下来，不过脚本“从未流出来”。Abu Hajer是一个前摄像人员，他说当他被要求协助管理伊斯兰国的宗教法庭时，他对该组织的支持开始动摇。因为与上级的观点不一致，在发生了争执之后，他干媒体工作的额外津贴被剥夺了。

“They took away my weapons, my monthly income,” as well as his villa and car, he said. A relative told a Post reporter that Abu Hajer finally pulled his family out of Syria after he had received a warning in which an Islamic State militant dragged a finger across his throat.

他说：“他们拿着了我的武器、我的月薪、还有别墅和车。”Abu Hajer的一位亲戚告诉《华盛顿邮报》的一位记者说伊斯兰国一个激进分子曾用一根指头在他喉咙处比了一下，他在收到这个警告之后最终下定决心将他一家子送出了叙利亚。

A sympathetic colleague gave Abu Hajer the paperwork he needed to pass Islamic State checkpoints on the way out of Syria, he said. Another friend gave him cash to put his family on a flight out of Turkey. Moroccan authorities were waiting for him at the Casablanca airport.

他还说一个同情Abu Hajer的同事给了他穿越伊斯兰国各个检查点离开叙利亚所必须的证件。另一个朋友则给了他一些现金，这样他才能带着一家子飞出土耳其。摩洛哥当局则在卡萨布兰卡机场恭候他。

He now shares a crowded cell with other militants in a high-walled Moroccan prison, with two years remaining on a three-year sentence. Asked whether he worries that his work will induce others to join the Islamic State, he gave an equivocal answer. “To a certain extent I feel responsible,” he said. “But I am not the main reason.”

他现在在摩洛哥的监狱的高墙中与其他激进分子分享一间拥挤的牢房。他被判三年监禁，还要再过两年才能出狱。当被问及是否担心他的工作会引诱其他人加入伊斯兰国的时候，他回答了一句模棱两可的话：“我肯定是有责任的，但是我不是主要原因。”

His videos continue to circulate online.

他拍摄的视频还在网上传播。


1）
anilb
very well researched

非常好的调查

2）
Stevie Wonderbread
Lol ISIS is a joke, their strongest asset is the head of their propaganda machine: Obama and his corrupt government

搞笑，ISIS就是个笑话，他们最强大的财产就是他们宣传机器的头：奥巴马和他贪污腐败的政府

3）
leonvang
Goebbels would be proud of these folks!

戈培尔会为这些家伙骄傲的！

4）
jfk909us
A very interesting and insightful article. I would love it if the Post could explore why the United States cannot find a way to counter ISIS propaganda. It's hard for me to believe that in a country with so much talent in the advertising industry we cannot find a few people who could put together a campaign that highlights the horror of ISIS.

一篇有趣而极富见解的文章。如果《华盛顿邮报》愿意查找为何美国找不到反击ISIS宣传的原因，那么我会更爱那篇文章。在这样一个处处充满广告天才的国家里，我们竟然无法找到几个具有开展运动凸显ISIS恐怖之处的新人，我很难相信啊！

@jfk: The people who are capable of such a propaganda effort are already engaged in propaganda campaigns to salvage Obama's favorability ratings and to sell Obamacare.

楼上的，能做这种宣传的天才全都去营救奥巴马的支持率，以及卖奥巴马的医疗保险去了。

5）
geo82170
Obama under estimated the Islamic State (JV team), has no strategy to fight ISIS and uses harsher language against Republicans then he does against radical Islam.

奥巴马低估了伊斯兰国，因此没有战略去和ISIS打仗，他要攻击共和党，然后才会去抵抗极端伊斯兰教。


MJR3
Republicans and their neofascism is a bigger threat to America than radical Islam.

对美国而言共和党以及他们的新法西斯主义比极端伊斯兰教更具威胁。