[ 美国 外交官 ] 中日历史纠葛 [日本媒体]

Japan, China, and the Strains of Historical Memory

中日历史包袱

80 years after the Nanjing Massacre,historical issues continue to haunt China-Japan relations.

南京大屠杀80年后，历史问题依然困扰着中日关系。



Anti-Japan protesters burn Japanesemilitary flags near Japan's consulate in Hong Kong on Dec. 13, 2017 as theymourn the victims of the Nanjing Massacre by Japanese forces in 1937. mage Credit: AP Photo/Kin Cheung

2017年12月13日，日本抗议者在日本驻香港领事馆附近焚烧日本军旗，祭奠1937年南京大屠杀受害者。

“The victorious army must have its rewards – and those rewards are toplunder, murder, rape at will, to commit acts of unbelievable brutality andsavagery. . . In all modern history surely there is no page that will stand soblack as that of the rape of Nanking.”

“这支得胜之师所得之犒赏是掠夺，谋杀，强奸，犯下令人难以置信的残暴和野蛮行为…在所有现代历史中，没有任何一页记载可比得上南京劫掠的黑暗。”

So wrote the American missionary GeorgeAshmore Fitch 80 years ago in the city of Nanjing, China, where he bore witnessto one of the worst massacres in modern history. For a period of six weeksbeginning in December 1937, Japanese soldiers raped and killed thousands ofcivilians in an orgy of violence that has come to symbolize the worst excessesof the Second Sino-Japanese War.

八十年前，美国传教士乔治费齐，在中国南京市写下了这段话，在那里，他见证了人类现代史上最为恐怖的大屠杀。从1937年12月开始的六周内，日本士兵强奸并杀害了数以千计的平民，这是第二次中日战争中最为严重的暴行。

The solemn memorial ceremony held inNanjing on December 13, 2017, demonstrated that the echoes of that painful timestill reverberate in this ancient city, and indeed throughout East Asia. Thewar remains a highly sensitive subject between Japan and its neighbors, and isa constant irritant in the complicated Sino-Japanese relationship. The massacreis widely remembered in China as a symbol of the nation’s shared suffering, andits memorialization is a significant pillar of Chinese national identity.Japanese citizens, by contrast, are divided on the extent to which they shouldatone for the sins of the past.

2017年12月13日，南京举行的庄严的纪念仪式（公祭仪式），仪式表明，那种痛苦依然在这个古城，甚至在整个东亚回荡。这场战争仍然是日本与其邻国之间高度敏感的话题，不断刺激着复杂的中日关系。
这场大屠杀被中国人民广泛记忆，它象征着中国人民的共同痛苦，而纪念大屠杀则是中国民族认同的重要支柱。相比之下，日本民众却对过去的罪行在赎罪程度上存在分歧。

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In light of the war’s continued relevance,and in the interest of regional peace, the peoples of this tense region havelittle choice but to find common ground in acknowledging the past, respectingthe victims, and taking bold steps forward.

鉴于这场战争结束后所带来的后遗影响，以及地区稳定，紧张的日本人民没有选择，只有在承认过去的同时寻找共识，尊重受害者，并向前迈出大胆的步伐。

Competing Narratives

矛盾表述

Memories of World War II continue to hauntEast Asia, where competing historical narratives undergird the region’snational identities. As China has grown into an economic and military power,historical memory has played a more significant role in its public educationand state-building. Its proud people are intent on overcoming the “unequaltreaties” forced upon China during the “century of humiliation” between thefirst Opium War and  World War II.  As the scholar ZhengWang has pointed out, the Chinese education systemimplores that its people “never forget national humiliation” at the hands ofJapanese invaders and Western imperialists.

第二次世界大战的记忆依然笼罩着东亚，在矛盾的历史叙事中强化了该地区的国家认同感。中国已经成长为一个经济军事强国，历史记忆在其公共教育和国家建设中，起到较为重要的角色。在第一次鸦片战争和第二次世界大战之间，自尊的人民需克服因“不平等条约”强加给中国人所带来的“百年屈辱”。同时如学者Zheng Wang所指出的那样，对于日本侵略者和西方帝国主义者,中国教育界希望（中国）人民“勿忘国耻”。

For many, the Nanjing Massacre representsfar more than what happened in this one city; it stands for the massive scaleof human suffering in a war that claimed between 10 and 20 million Chineselives. Whereas Beijing downplayed the war in the Mao Zedong era, in recentyears the state has done more to formalize its commemoration. In 2014, theNational People’s Congress established three new national holidays: Victoryover Japan Day (September 3), Memorial Day (September 30), and the National Dayof Remembrance for the Nanjing Massacre (December 13). The Chinese governmenthas also changed the war’s origin point from the 1937 Marco Polo BridgeIncident to the 1931 Mukden Incident. Consequently, a new official name — the “Fourteen Years’ War ofResistance” — has replaced the traditional “Anti-Japanese War of Resistance.”

对不少人来说，南京大屠杀所代表的远不止这座城市所曾发生的事件；这场夺去了一两千万中国人生命的战争，代表的是人类所遭受的巨大苦难。对于这场战争在毛时代，北京有所淡化，但在近年来，该国举行多种形式的纪念活动。一九四六年，全国人大设立了三个新的国庆节——抗战胜利纪念日(9月3日)、烈士纪念日(注：9月30日)和全国南京大屠杀纪念日(12月13日)。在1931年慕登事件（九一八事变）和1937年马可波罗桥事变（注：七七事件）这两个事件中，中国政府重新定义这场战争的时间起点。因此，一个新的官方名称——“十四年抗战”——取代了传统的“抗日战争”。

Sino-Japanese War museums and memorials dotthe landscape of eastern and southern China. This year, the nation marked the80th anniversary of the Nanjing Massacre with a nationally televised ceremonyat the city’s huge memorial museum, which sits only a few miles from a newmuseum commemorating wartime sex slavery and another that honors fallen fighterpilots. China’s culture industry, too, has played a part in shaping publicmemory. Several Chinese television series are set during the war, includingsuch popular programs as Sparrow, Rouge, and the critically acclaimed Battle ofChangsha. A new documentary about China’s surviving comfort women has becomethe nation’s highest-grossing documentary.

抗日纪念馆散布于华东与华南地区，今年，南京大屠杀第八十周年公祭活动，在国家纪念博物馆举行，并进行了全国电视直播。该博物馆距慰安妇和飞虎队纪念馆仅有几英里远。中国文化界在塑造公众记忆方面发挥了作用。中国有好几部描写此次战争的电视连续剧，譬如：《麻雀》、《胭脂》、《长沙战役》等。其中一部描写“慰安妇”幸存者的电影纪录片（bluebit注：应指影片《二十二》），已成为该国票房最高的纪录片。

Such depictions and memorializations are ahighly sensitive subject in Japan. As the scholar Takashi Yoshida has shown,the people of Japan have carried out a robust public debate about the war, themassacre, and their soldiers’ culpability, one which now extends to thenever-ending debate over remilitarization. Progressive historians in Japan haveendorsed the harsh judgments of the postwar military tribunals (the TokyoTrials), which laid bare soldiers’ wartime atrocities throughout East Asia.Many Japanese citizens acknowledge their nation’s wartime aggression and seeksincere official apologies from their leaders.

对于日本来说这种形式的记忆描写是种高度敏感课题。正如学者takashi yoshida表示，对于战争，大屠杀，和他们士兵责任，日本人民都曾公开进行过激烈讨论，但到现却沉溺于无休止的军改争论中。日本进步历史学家对战后的《东京大审判》的判决表示赞同，并揭露了战时的日兵在整个东亚地区所犯的暴行。一部分日本人承认他们的侵略，并请求他们的领导人做出官方道歉。

Others in Japan contend that the countryhas done enough. Revisionists question the scale of the Nanjing Massacre, and afew extreme nationalists even deny it altogether. These critics have their ownnarrative of wartime victimization, in which Japan fought the war to fend offWestern imperialism only to be met with the destruction of its cities, twinatomic bombings, tribunals that amounted to “victors’ justice,” and ahumiliating postwar occupation. If a Japanese official apologizes for thenation’s wartime actions — as some have done — Japanese nationalists invariablydouble down on their denials.  (Whenformer Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio visited the Nanjing memorial museum in2013, the sitting defense minister called him a “traitor.”)

但，另有一部分人则认为道歉已做的够多了，其中修正主义者对南京大屠杀的规模感到质疑。还有一些极端民族主义者竟完全否认发生过此事。这些日本批评人士认为自己是因抵御西方帝国主义而参战，自己才是战争受害者，只因遭受两颗原子弹轰炸，国家被占领，成为战败者，在胜利即正义下，而变为耻辱，由此才出现此类（纪念）事件。如日本官方对当时的战时行为正式道歉-但某部分民族主义者却总是加倍否认（比如：2013年前日本首相鸠山由纪夫访在问南京纪念馆时，时任国防部长说他是“叛徒”）。

This revisionist perspective has seepedinto the mainstream of Japanese social and political life. The nation’s historytextbooks have been widely criticized since the 1980s for downplaying Japanesesoldiers’ actions. Last year, Japan withheld UNESCO funding because the organizationlisted Nanjing Massacre documents in its Memory of the World Register. Morerecently, the unveiling of a comfort women statue in San Francisco sparked aprotest from the mayor of Osaka. Among mainstream historians, there is no doubtthat Japanese soldiers committed atrocities against thousands of civilians inNanjing and elsewhere, yet scholarly disagreements have spawned an unfortunatenumbers game in which the question “How many victims?” obscures the simpletruth that a large number of soldiers carried out reprehensible acts.

这种修正主义的观点已变为日本政治社会主流。自上世纪80年代以来，日本历史教科书一直为粉饰日兵（战时）行为而广受谴责。去年（注：2016年），日本因联合国教科文组织在其世界记忆纪念册上列出南京大屠杀事件，而拒缴会费。美国旧金山举行慰安妇雕像揭幕仪式，引发大阪市长严重抗议。主流历史学家们认为，毫无疑问日本士兵在南京和其他地方对数千平民犯下暴行，但在学术上的分歧引发了一场不幸的数字游戏，在这场游戏中，“（到底）有多少受害者？”这个问题掩盖了一个简单的事实，即有大量士兵进行了应受谴责的行为。

Japanese revisionism is a significantsource of anger in China. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has borne the brunt ofrecent criticism for, among other things, his downplaying of war crimes, hisquestioning of the comfort women narrative, and his affiliation with theconservative textbook reform movement. Observers throughout the regionpilloried Abe for his 2013 visit to the Yasukuni Shrine, aShinto war memorial which lists around 1,000 convicted war criminals among its2.5 million honorees. To many in China, Abe represents the legitimizationof the nationalist perspective. “Japan slaughtered my 300,000 compatriots,” oneblogger recently wrote on the popular Chinese platform Weibo, “[and] Abe triedto deny the historical facts.”

日本修正主义是中国愤怒的根源。最近日本安倍晋三首相成为批判旋涡的中心，原因是他淡化战争罪、质疑慰安妇的说辞，以及他对保守派教科书改革的影响。2013年安培晋三参访晋国神社，遭到人们的冷眼。
因为晋国神社是座神道教战争纪念馆，里面供奉着二百五十万名二（二战）兵，其中约有一千多名（二战）战犯。对于中国一些人来说，安倍代表了民族观的合法化。一位闻名博主曾写到“日本屠杀了我们三十万同胞，而安培却在打算否认历史事实”。

Even some Japanese apologies have beentainted by a dose of semantic insincerity, especially on the issue of comfortwomen, which has hindered Japan-South Korea relations for years. As DavidTolbert of the International Center forTransitional Justice has suggested, Japan’s 2017apology and $8 million reparations payment to surviving South Korean comfortwomen seemed like more of a quid pro quo political arrangement than a sincerestatement of regret.

有些日本人即使道歉，语义也含糊其辞，尤其在慰安妇问题上。多年来慰安妇问题一直成为日韩关系的阻碍。正如国际过渡时期司法中心大卫·托尔伯特所指出的那样，2017年，日本向韩国幸存慰安妇支付八百万美元赔偿款，以作为道歉，但与其说是真诚的遗憾，不如说是一种政治妥协动作。

Polling data appears to confirm what theanecdotal evidence suggests — that the people of China and Japan holdoverwhelmingly negative opinions of each other. In recent Pew surveys, 81percent of Chinese respondents expressed an unfavorable view of Japan, and 77percent said Japan had not sufficiently apologized for its wartime actions.Likewise, 83 percent of Japanese respondents declared an overall unfavorableview of China, and 89 percent saw China’s increasing power as a threat to Japan(64 percent said “major threat.”)  Strongmajorities in both countries view the other as “arrogant” and “violent.”

中日民调数据表明，中日彼此均持有负面意见。在最近的皮尤调查中，有81%的中国人表示对日本持有负面看法。77%的日本人认为本国没有对日本战时行为没有充分道歉。同样，83%的日本人表示对中国整体持有负面看法。89%的日本人认为实力日益增长的中国，对日本产生了威胁（其中64%日本人认为是重大威胁）。且这两个国家大多数国民均认为对方是“傲慢”“粗暴”的。

These harsh judgments have grown from manyreal and imagined differences and slights, but the war remains among the mostsignificant sources of bilateral friction. In a 2016 Genron poll, over 60 percentof Chinese respondents cited “Japan’s lack of proper apology and remorse” for thewar as a reason for their negative view of Japan, while nearly 50 percent ofJapanese respondents cited “criticism of Japan over historical issues” as areason for their negative view of China.

这些可怕的主观结论，已多多少少在现实和思想上的分歧，在相互间不断增长的蔑视中体现出来，但战争仍是双方产生摩擦的最主要的根源之一。2016年Genron 民调显示，有超过60%的中国受访者称，对日本持有负面看法是因为，“日本对战争缺乏适当的道歉和反省”。而有近50的日本人认为中国是以“批评日本历史问题”为由，而对该国持有负面看法。

Security Implications

安全影响

Thus do nationalism and the ghosts of thepast add a substantial emotional element to maritime and security disagreementsin this heavily militarized region. China, Japan, and South Korea now spendmore on defense than ever. Beijing is reforming its military and strengtheningits force projection capabilities, while Tokyo and Seoul are responding toChina’s rise, the North Korean threat, and a potential American retreat fromthe region.

至此，曾经的民族主义幽灵，在这高度军事化地区中，在海事和安全分歧中增添了事实情感因素。中、日、韩现在花在国防上的费用比以往任何时候都多。北京正为加强其军队部署能力而进行军改。东京、首尔则在应对中国的崛起、朝鲜的威胁以及美国可能从该地区撤退的问题。

Sino-Japanese relations have been onparticularly thin ice since 2012, when Japan purchased three of the SenkakuIslands from their private owner. These small, uninhabited islands, which areclaimed by Japan, China, and Taiwan, are situated near potentially lucrativeseabed fossil fuels and fishing grounds, as evidenced by their Chinese name,Diaoyu (literally “fishing”). Sino-Japanese tension over the Senkakus is sostrong that more than 60 percent of Chinese respondents in the Genron pollpredicted a future military conflict over the territory.

自2012年以来，因日本当时从他们地主手里购买了三个尖阁岛屿，中日关系一直处于脆弱状态。对这些无人岛的声索人，有包括日本，中国大陆，和台湾（省），且这个中文名为钓鱼岛的无人岛附近蕴藏有大量石油和渔场。有超过60%的中国受访者认为，中日两国在尖阁列岛问题上的紧张局势如此强烈，将来定会发生一场有关该领土的军事冲突。

Although the negatives are formidable,there are signs of a modest improvement in Sino-Japanese relations. Since Abemet with Chinese President Xi Jinping at the July G20 summit and the NovemberAPEC gathering, he has expressed more interest in cooperating with China’sambitious One Belt, One Road trade and investment initiative. The potential forbilateral breakthroughs is slim, due not only to the aforementioned territorialand historical disagreements, but also because of the two nations’fundamentally different strategic goals. Yet observers have detected a minorthaw. Xi attended the December 13 memorial service in Nanjing, but he did notspeak or lay wreaths — a sign, according to some, that he did not want toappear overly confrontational toward Japan.

尽管中日两国间消极因素令人生畏，但中日关系已有改善的迹象。自从安倍与中国主席在2017年6月G20峰会上以及2017年10月APEC会见，他对中国提出志远广大的一带一路的贸易投资计划颇感兴趣。但双边突破的几率不大，不仅是因为领土以及历史问题，还有两国战略目标根本不同。然而，观察家们发现两方有融冰迹象。原因是，据说中国主席虽出席2017年12月13日的南京公祭活动，但没有发表讲话，也没献花圈。这说明他不想进一步刺激日本。

The risk of conflict is always high in thisregion. As the former Australian Foreign Minister Gareth Evans wrote in 2015,“If World War III ever breaks out, its origins will not lie in the Middle East,South Asia or Eastern Europe. It is in East Asia — where the strategicinterests of China, the United States, and their respective partners intersect— that the geopolitical stakes, diplomatic tensions, and potential for a globalexplosion are highest.”

这里存在高风险冲突。正如澳大利亚前外交部长加利夫伊文斯在2015年所写的那样，“如果第三次世界大战爆发，它的起源不会发生在中东、南亚或东欧。而是在东亚，这里存在着中、美以及他们各自合作伙伴的战略利益交集，这里地缘政治、外交紧张而引起的爆发风险有可能全球最高。”

On the bright side, large majorities inChina and Japan are concerned about deteriorating relations, and they agreethat the two governments should cooperate to resolve regional disputes. The twonations have many common interests, not least of which are a desire forregional stability and the continuation of $250 billion in annual trade. Tomaintain the long peace that has benefited the entire region, Japan, China, andthe other nations of East Asia must strike a difficult balance betweenacknowledging the past, respecting the victims’ memory, and forging a new pathforward.

乐观的是，中日两国大多人都很担心关系恶化，他们同意两国政府应合作解决地区争端。两国有许多共同利益，其中包括地区稳定和每年约产生二千五百亿美元的贸易规模。但为了维护整个地区长期和平，中、日和东亚的其他国家，必须在承认过去、尊重受害者记忆之间，取得艰难平衡，进而开辟一条新的道路。

Dr. Joe Renouard teaches at the Johns HopkinsUniversity School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) in Nanjing, China. dr. joe renouard teaches at the johns hopkinsuniversity school of advanced international studies (sais) in nanjing, china

约翰霍普金斯大学高级国际研究学院JoeRenouard博士。