冻结的欧洲与快速变化的中国--马丁·雅克论中欧困境 [加拿大媒体]

Frozen Europe and Fast-Changing China Martin Jacques on the Sino-European Dilemma 

冻结的欧洲与快速变化的中国--马丁·雅克论中欧困境



Martin Jacques speaks about current Sino-European relations as a keynote speaker at the opening conference of the Leiden Asia Centre. According to Jacques, the way Western media and politics are approaching China is deeply flawed – and it is causing Europe to miss the boat while China is marching forwards.

马丁•雅克(Martin Jacques)在 Leiden Asia Centre 会议开幕会议上以主旨发言人的身份谈到当前的中欧关系。雅克认为, 西方媒体和政治家在接近中国的方式上存在严重缺陷——它正导致欧洲在中国前进之际错失良机。

February 9th 2017 marks the much-anticipated opening conference of the Leiden Asia Centre, the expertise centre for socially relevant and applicable knowledge on modern East Asia based in the Netherlands.

2017年2月9日是莱顿亚洲中心的开幕会议，该中心是一个在荷兰建立的专门研究现代东亚社会可应用知识的专家中心。

The conference focuses on Sino-Dutch relations and the relations between Europe and China at large.

会议重点讨论中荷关系以及欧中关系。

One of today’s key speakers is British journalist and scholar Martin Jacques (@martjacques), the author of the global best-seller When China Rules the World (2009). One of his key arguments is that China’s impact on the world goes beyond economics, and that it will also have extensive political, cultural and ideological consequences.

今天的主要演讲者之一是英国记者和学者马丁雅克(@martjacques) , 他是全球畅销书《当中国统治世界》(When China Rules the World)一书的作者。他的主要论点之一是, 中国对世界的影响超出了经济学范畴, 它还将产生广泛的政治、文化和意识形态后果。

“China is looking for the ‘cracks’ in the global system; that where it is at its weakest.”

"中国正在寻找“突破”全球体系, 这方面是中国最弱的地方。"

In introducing Martin Jacques, Professor Frank Pieke, one of the three academic directors of the Leiden Asia Centre, first talks about a separate “global China”, that is different from Western patterns of globalization.

在介绍马丁•雅克(Martin Jacques)时, Leiden Asia Centre 三位学术总监之一弗兰克•皮埃克(Frank Pieke)教授首先谈到了一个独立的"全球化中国", 这与西方的全球化模式不同。

China is looking for the “cracks” in the global system; that where it is at its weakest. Its presence is growing in Africa, Latin America, and also in regions like southern Europe. China is not looking for challenges, but it is looking for space, Pieke says.

中国正在寻找全球体系的"突破", 这方面是中国最弱的地方。它的存在在非洲、拉美以及南欧等地区不断增长。中国不是在寻找挑战, 而是在寻找空间, 皮埃克说。

One of the reasons why this is happening, Pieke argues, is that China is hamstrung by the fact that within its own region it is often perceived as a potentially hostile power by, for example, Japan or Korea. It does not have its own sphere of influence from where it can expand into the world.

皮埃克认为, 这种情况发生的原因之一是, 中国在自己的地区经常被日本或韩国视为潜在的敌对势力, 这一事实令中国感到困惑。它没有自己的势力范围, 无法扩展到世界。

“China is not ‘like us.’ It has never been and it will never be.”

“中国并不‘和我们一样’，从来没有，也永远不会。”

Martin Jacques agrees with Pieke in the sense that “China’s globalization” is different from “globalization” as it is often perceived in the West.

马丁•雅克(Martin Jacques)同意皮埃克的观点, 即"中国的全球化"不同于西方常见的"全球化"。

There is a fundamental problem with how China is framed and discussed in western media, politics and academia, Jacques argues, as it often come down to the idea that China should be ‘like us.’

雅克认为, 中国在西方媒体、政治和学术界的框架和讨论中存在一个根本性的问题, 因为它往往归结为中国应该”像我们一样“

“We are the ‘global leaders’ and we supposedly define what modernity is, and modernity is singular. And therefore modernisation is westernization, and therefore China will end up just like us. Well, this is complete rubbish,” Jacques says: “China is not ‘like us.’ It has never been and it will never be.”

"我们是 ` 全球领导者', 我们应该定义什么是现代性, 现代性是单一的，因此, 现代化是西方化, 因此中国最终会像我们一样。嗯, 这完全是胡说八道,"雅克说:"中国并不‘和我们一样’。"从来没有, 也永远不会"

Jacques stresses that the concept of ‘modernity’ is plural, and that there is not one modernity because it is not shaped in neo-liberal terms, but it is shaped by history and culture. And since China’s history and culture is profoundly different from that of any Western country, we have to understand China in its own terms – not in our terms. The main reason why Western media or politics got China “so wrong” in the last decennia, Jacques argues, is because they failed to do this.

雅克强调，“现代性”的概念是多元的，没有单一的现代性，因为它不是用新自由主义的术语塑造的，而是由历史和文化塑造的。由于中国的历史和文化与任何西方国家都有很大的不同，我们必须用中国自己的方式来理解中国，而不是用我们的方式来理解中国。雅克认为，西方媒体或政治在上个十年代让中国“大错特错”的主要原因是，他们没有做到这一点。

The assumptions people have about China are therefore generally flawed, and have failed to predict how China would evolve in the future.

因此, 人们对中国的假设通常是有缺陷的, 并且未能预测中国未来将如何发展。

China is not a nation state, but a ‘civilization-state’, and is very different from any European nation state. It is a huge united country – and the fact that it is stable and unified is the country’s top priority. The key political values of the Chinese are influenced by this idea, and also fundamentally different from Europe.

中国不是一个民族国家, 而是一个 ` 文明国家' （civilization-state）, 与任何一个欧洲国家都有很大的不同。它是一个庞大的”统一“国家, 稳定和统一是该国的首要任务。中国人的主要政治价值观受到这种观念的影响, 而且与欧洲有着本质上的不同。

Why China is politically never going to be the same as Europe is because its key political concepts of unity, stability, and order, based on its long history, are what have shaped and are shaping China.

为什么中国在政治上永远不会像欧洲那样, 因为它的统一、稳定和秩序的关键政治概念, 基于其悠久的历史, 塑造了中国。

“China has not followed anyone’s route, but has chosen its own.”

"中国没有遵循任何人的路线, 而是选择了自己的路线。"

China has not followed anyone’s route, but has chosen its own, Jacques argues. “The idea that Chinese governance is going to be like Western governance is profoundly mistaken. China is not going in that direction. I am not saying they will not change – there have been large changes already – but it will change in its own ways.”

雅克认为, 中国没有遵循任何人的路线, 而是选择了自己的路线。"认为中国的治理方式将像西方的治理方式一样, 这种观点错得离谱。中国不会朝这个方向发展。我并不是说它们不会改变——已经发生了巨大的变化——但它将以自己的方式发生变化。"

China is historically also very different from Europe in the sense that it has not colonized the way Europe has, and has been less aggressive.

中国在历史上也与欧洲非常不同, 因为它没有像欧洲那样开拓殖民地，也没有那么咄咄逼人。

“Consider that China from being dirt poor is becoming the world’s second economy, and this all in a relatively peaceful process.”

"考虑到中国正在成为世界第二大经济体, 而这一切都是在一个相对和平的过程中。"

Jacques emphasizes that China is in the process of transforming the world. Not only due to its size, but also due to its difference, that is bound to going to project itself and bring its history, values, and traditions to the rest of the world.

雅克强调, 中国正在改变世界。不仅仅是因为它的大小, 而且因为它的不同, 它必然会投射自己, 把它的历史、价值观和传统带到世界其他地方。

“China is not the leader of globalization, but it is certainly true to say that China is shaping globalization profoundly.”

"中国不是全球化的领导者, 但可以肯定的是, 中国正在深刻地塑造全球化。"

All discourse about China’s rise has always been economic – discussed within the framework of American hegemony. But Jacques wants to stress that the rise of China goes much further than economics alone: 1.4 billion people are in the process of transformation is all sorts of ways, which is impacting China and the world in numerous ways.

所有关于中国崛起的言论都是在美国霸权的框架内进行经济讨论的。但雅克希望强调的是, 中国的崛起远远超过了经济学本身： 14亿人正处于转型过程中, 这种变化正以多种方式影响着中国和世界。

Jacques notes that China has sometimes been blamed for being a ‘free rider’ in the international society, or for not ‘contributing’ anything, but this is changing. Since Xi Jinping has risen to power there have been some extraordinary initiatives, such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. Jacques predicts that also through these kinds of initiatives, its influence is growing, and that those ever said China is not ‘contributing’ will be biting their tongues.

雅克指出, 中国有时被指责为国际社会中的一个”搭便车者“, 或者没有做出任何贡献, 但这种情况正在发生变化。自习近平上台以来, 中国推出了亚洲基础设施投资银行(Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank)等一些非同寻常的举措。雅克预测, 通过这些举措, 它的影响力正在增长, 而且那些曾经说过中国没有做出贡献的人会咬到自己的舌头。

“It is not true to say China is the leader of globalization, but it is certainly true to say that China is shaping globalization profoundly.”

"说中国是全球化的领导者并不正确, 但说中国正在深刻地塑造全球化, 这当然是正确的。"

Jacques is pessimistic about the prospect of Sino-European relations. China is going ahead, and Europe is basically “stuck”, as it is increasingly turned inwards.

雅克对中欧关系的前景感到悲观。中国正在向前发展, 而欧洲基本上是"卡住了", 因为它正日益向内转变。

“Tencent, Alibaba, Huawei, Baidu, JD.com, Xiaomi, and other tech companies show that in many ways China is now ahead of Silicon Valley.”

“腾讯、阿里巴巴、华为、百度、京东、小米以及其他科技公司都表明，在很多方面，中国现在都领先于硅谷。”

Lastly, Jacques addresses the importance of China as a global power and crucial global influencer in various ways.

最后, 雅克以各种方式阐述了中国作为一个全球大国和关键的全球影响者的重要性。

China’s online growth has shown it is the global leader in terms of internet commerce. Tencent, Alibaba, Huawei, Baidu, JD.com, Xiaomi, and other tech companies show that in many ways China is now ahead of Silicon Valley, with China’s online sales being well ahead of those in countries like the USA. Jacques also mentions that the functionality of apps like Weixin/WeChat is more advanced than its western counterpart Whatsapp – meaning that ‘the world’ will also be looking at China when it comes to its digital developments.

中国的在线增长表明, 它在互联网商务方面是全球领先者。腾讯、阿里巴巴、华为、百度、京东、小米和其他科技公司都表明, 中国在很多方面领先于硅谷, 中国在线销售远远领先于美国等国家。雅克还提到, 像微信 / 微信这样的应用程序的功能比西方软件 Whatsapp 更先进——这意味着, 在数字化发展方面, 世界也将关注中国。

The country is also moving quickly in other ways. China is also the leader when it comes to issues such as climate change and foreign investments. He also mentions the ‘One Belt, One Road’ project (“it’s probably going to be extremely important.”)

这个国家在其他方面也在迅速发展。在气候变化和外国投资等问题上, 中国也是领导者。他还提到了"一带一路"项目("这可能是非常重要的。")

“If Europe can’t hitch a ride with China in its transformation, then it will become marginalized.”

"如果欧洲不能在中国转型过程中搭上中国的便车, 那么它就会被边缘化。"

There is one last thing Martin Jacques wants to add to his speech, and it is about Trump, whom he calls “the most frightening president the US has ever had”, and how he will change the EU-USA-China dynamics.

马丁•雅克(Martin Jacques)最后在他的演讲中加上一件事, 那就是特朗普, 他称之为"美国有史以来最可怕的总统", 以及他将如何改变欧盟-美国与中国之间的关系。

Under Trump, he said, America will look after its own interests and will interact with the rest of the world in terms of bilateral relationships rather than from a plural, global position.

他说, 在特朗普的领导下, 美国将只照顾自己的利益, 并将在双边关系方面与世界其他国家进行互动, 而不是采取多元化的全球立场。

What will the Chinese do? “They will retaliate,” Jacques says. As China-US relations deteriorate, with China pushing America back, they will deepen the agreements with their own neighbors. The One Belt, One Road is an important part of this strategy.

中国人会怎么做？"他们会反击的,"雅克说。随着中美关系恶化, 中国推动美国回归, 他们将加深与邻国的协议。" ”一带一路“是这一战略的重要组成部分。

Jacques foresees that the rise of Trump will also change Sino-European relations, as Europe -like China- also has little interest in Trump.

雅克预测, 特朗普的崛起也将改变中欧关系, ，因为欧洲和中国一样，对特朗普也没什么兴趣。

“I started off by saying Europe and China are very different, which is true,” he says. But despite his somewhat pessimistic views on Sino-European relations that find its roots in the western frameworks applied to China, there is also some light at the end of the tunnel: “Unlike the USA, both Europe and China have a long history. And there has been little rivalry with China. There is a logic for Europe to move much closer to China.”

"我一开始就说, 欧洲和中国非常不同, 这是事实,"他表示。不过，尽管他对中欧关系的看法有些悲观，但在中国的西方框架中找到了根源，但在隧道的尽头也有一些曙光："与美国不同, 欧洲和中国都有悠久的历史。而且, 与中国之间几乎没有竞争。欧洲与中国走得更近是有道理的。"

Jacques stresses the importance for Europe to keep up with China. It is not China that needs to change, he argues – Europe does.

雅克强调了欧洲跟上中国的重要性。他认为, 需要改变的不是中国, 而是欧洲。

“China will keep marching on. China will keep its dynamic transformation. It will continue to grow. China is not the problem. Europe is. And we need to face up to that. If we can’t hitch a ride with China in its transformation, then we will become marginalized.”

"中国将继续前进。中国将继续保持其动态转型。它将继续增长。问题不在中国，欧洲才是问题所在。我们必须正视这一点。如果在中国转型过程中我们不能搭中国的便车, 那么我们就会被边缘化。"